a single class in Soviet society occupies a position that
€nables it to exploit other classes. Dictatorship is a
Class concept; over whom do the Chinese comrades
Propose to effect the dictatorship of the proletariat in
the Soviet Union: over the collective farm peasantry
Or over the people’s intelligentsia? One cannot but
take into account that in socialist society the class of
Workers and the class of peasants have undergone
Considerable changes, that differences or distinctions
between them are disappearing, more and more.

After the complete and final victory of socialism the

dictatorship of the proletariat. The working class re-
Mains the leading class also in the construction of
Communism. Its leading role is determined by. its
€conomic position, by the fact that it is directly con-
ected with the highest form of socialist property and

More steeled by decades of class struggle and revo-
lutionary experience.

The Chinese comrades refer to Karl Marx’s pro-
Rouncement that the content of the transitional period
Tom capitalism to communism cannot be anything
_lse than the dictatorship of the proletariat. But in
Saying this Marx had in mind communism as a whole,
Bes 2 Single socio-economic formation (of which social-
—1sm is the first stage), to pass over to which without
a Socialist revolution and a dictatorship of the prole-
tariat would be impossible.

Lenin made a number of statements which stress
with the utmost clarity that the dictatorship of the
Proletariat is needed precisely to overcome the resist-

onstruction, to ensure victory for socialism—the first
Phase of communism. It is clear from this that the
Need of a dictatorship of the proletariat disappears
after the victory of socialism when only working peo-
Ple, friendly classes which ‘have absolutely changed in

fir nature remain in society, and there is no one
eft to suppress,

If one were to extract the kernel of this mass of
Pseudo-theoretical discourses on these questions in
; € letter of the CPC Central Committee, it boils down
— the following: the Chinese comrades are against the
wine the CPSU for developing socialist democracy
OER, Was proclaimed with such force in the decisions

“an § € 20th, 2ist and 22nd Congresses of our party and
the CPSU Program. It is not fortuitous that nowhere
ee wordy letter was room found for even, mention-
fone e development of democracy in socialist condi-
~~ OY in the building of communism.

It is difficult to judge in full measure the motives
pe ae guide the Chinese comrades in upholding the
ae nality cult. Actually, for the first time in the
Sed of the world Communist movement, we here
It ig’ an open exaltation of the personality cult.
‘gies: be said that even when the personality cult
at 1 S ed. mm our country Stalin himself was forced,
ast in words, to refuse to have anything to do

e Ww: .
a me this petty-bourgeois theory and said that it stem-
from the Socialist-Revolutionaries.

ae attempts to use Marx and Lenin to defend the
surpriee of the personality cult can evoke nothing but
that Legs Do the Chinese comrades really not know
ane tin as far back as the birth of our party waged
§ about €ndous struggle against the Narodniks’ theories
; — Aectiye the heroes and the crowd, that genuine _col-
4 Moir methods of leadership in the Central Committee
| Under Saat and the Soviet state were implemented
Person €nin, that he was an extraordinarily modest
| toaayi and mercilessly lashed the slightest display of
sm and servility towards himself?

wee Buse the struggle against the personality cult
Leninist regarded by our party or the other Marxist-
and poy eatties as a negation of the authority of party
again vernment leaders. The CPSU stresses time and
the Boe ding the 20th and 22nd Congresses, that
that wie, cherishes the authority of its leadership and

their ge xpress the interests of the people and give all

for thi
IV.

oh. mats
th oe important question on which we differ is
- the the ways and means of revolutionary struggle

~~ Working class in the capitalist countries, the

Working class exercises its guiding role not through the’

ance of the exploiting classes, to organize socialist

struggle for national liberation and the methods of
transition to socialism of all mankind.

As the Chinese comrades depict it, the differences
here appear as follows: one side—they themselves—
stands for a world revolution, while the other side—the
CPSU and the Marxist-Leninist parties—has forgotten
the revolution, even “fears” it, and instead of revolu-
tionary struggle displays concern for such “unworthy”
things for a genuine revolutionary as peace, the eco-
nomic development of the socialist countries and im-
provement in the living standards of their peoples or
struggle for the democratic rights and vital interests of
the working people of the capitalist countries.

The divergence of the views of the CPC and the inter-
national Communist movement actually lies on an en-
tirely different plane: some—leaders of the CPC—talk
about a world revolution on any occasion and frequently
and without reason flaunt “revolutionary” phrases,
while others—those whom the Chinese comrades criti-
cize—approach the question of revolution with all
seriousness and, instead of uttering loud phrases work
hard, seeking to find the best ways to the victory of
communism, ways which conform best to present con-
ditions, and fighting hard for national independence,
democracy and socialism.

Let us consider the basic views of the Chinese com-
rades on the problems of the revolutionary movement
of today.

Is the thesis of ceasing the struggle for peace in
the name of “a world revolution,” of renouncing the
policy of peaceful coexistence and peaceful economic
competition and the struggle for the vital interests of
the working people and democratic reforms in the capi-
talist countries, conducive to the transition of countries
and peoples to socialism? Is it true that in asserting
peace and pursuing a policy of peaceful coexistence the
Communists of the socialist countries think only of
themselves and have forgotten their class brothers ‘in
the capitalist countries?

Anyone who has thought over the meaning of the
present struggle for peace and against thermonuclear
war realizes that by their peace policy the Soviet Com-
munists and the fraternal parties of the other socialist
countries give incalculable aid to the working class
and working people of the capitalist countries. And this
is not only because preventing a nuclear war means
saving the working class and the people of entire
countries and even continents from death, though this
alone would be enough to justify our policy.

The other reason is that this is the best way to help
the international revolutionary working-class move-
ment to achieve its principal class aims. Is it not an
enormous contribution to working-class struggle when,
in conditions of a peace they themselves have won,
the socialist countries score brilliant successes in eco-
nomic development, register ever new achievements in
science and technique, constantly improve the living
and working conditions of the people and develop and
improve socialist democracy?

On seeing such successes and victories every worker

in a capitalist country will say: “Socialism proves by
déeds that it is superior to capitalism. This system is
worth fighting for.” Socialism is now winning the hearts
and minds of people not only through books, but pri-
marily by its deeds and examples.

The 1960 Statement sees the main distinctive feature
of our time in that the world socialist system'is becom-
ing the decisive factor in mankind’s development. All
the Communist parties which took part in the 1960
meeting arrived at the common conclusion that the

international working class and its creation—the world —

system of socialism—stand in the centre of our age.

The solution of all other tasks of the revolutionary
movement depends to a tremendous extent on the
consolidation of the world socialist system. This is
why the Communist and Workers’ parties have pledged
themselves “indefatigably to strengthen the great so-
cialist community of nations whose international role
and influence on the course of world events are grow-
ing from year to year.” Our party regards the fulfilment
of this overriding task as its supreme internationalist
duty. :

Lenin taught that “we exert our main influence on
the international revolution by our economic policy. In

this field the struggle is waged on a world-wide scale.
If we accomplish this task we shall win on an inter-
national scale, finally and forever.” (Works, Vol. 32, —
page 413. Russian edition.) i :

This counsel by the great Lenin has been firmly
mastered by the Soviet Communists. It is followed by
the Communists of other socialist countries. But now —
it turns out that there are comrades who have decided
that Lenin was wrong. 5

?

What is this—lack of faith in the ability of the coun-
tries of socialism to defeat capitalism in economic
competition? Or is it the opinion of people who, having _
encountered difficulties in building socialism, have be-—
come disappointed and do not see the possibility of
exerting the main influence on the world revolutionary
movement by their economic successes or the example —
of the successful building of socialism in their coun-—
tries?

They want to achieve the revolution quicker by
other paths which they regard as shorter. But the
victorious revolution can consolidate its successes and >
prove the superiority of socialism over capitalism by
the work of the people, and only by it. True, this is
not easy, especially if the revolutions take place in
countries which have inherited an underdeveloped
economy. But the example of the Soviet Union and
many other socialist countries proves convincingly that
in these conditions, too, if correct leadership is given, —
it is possible to score great successes and demonstrate
to the world the superiority of socialism over capital-
ism.

Further, what situation is more advantageous for the |
revolutionary struggle of the working class in the capi-
talist countries—peace and peaceful coexistence or con-
stant international tension and cold war? : tS:

The answer to this question is not in doubt. Every-

one knows that the ruling circles of the imperialist

states use the cold war to fan chauvinism, war hysteria _
and unbridled anticommunism, to put in power the
most rabid reactionaries and pro-fascists, abolish de- —
mocracy and do away with political parties, trade —
unions and other working-class organizations.

The Communists’ struggle for peace greatly consoli-
dates their ties with the masses, their authority and
influence and, consequently, helps to create what is
called the political army of the revolution. ae

The struggle for peace and peaceful coexistence of
states with different social systems, far from delaying,
makes it possible to develop in full measure the strug-
gle to attain the ultimate aims of the international
working class. =

It is hard to believe that the Chinese comrades, who :
are people of experience and who have themselves ac-
complished a revolution, do not understand the main

thing: that today the world revolution is developing —

through the revolutionary class struggle of the workers.

in the capitalist countries, through the struggle for
national liberation and the strengthening of political —
and economic independence of the recently liberated —
countries of Asia and Africa, through the struggle for
peace and against wars of aggression, through the anti- _
monopoly struggle of the masses, and in many other _

* ways which should not be opposed to each other but

united and directed towards the same goal—the over- ne

throw of imperialist rule.

The Chinese comrades haughtily and offensively ac-
cuse the Communist parties of France, Italy, the United
States and other countries of nothing less than oppor-
tunism and reformism, of “parliamentary cretinism”
and even of sliding:down to “bourgeois socialism.” On —
what grounds? On the grounds that these Communist
parties do not advance the slogan of an immediate _
proletarian revolution, although the Chinese leaders —
too must realize that this cannot be done without the —
existence of a revolutionary situation.

Every well-versed Marxist-Leninist knows that to put
forward a slogan for an armed uprising when there is
no revolutionary situation in the country means to
doom the working class to defeat. It is common knowl- _
edge how very serious was Lenin’s approach to this _
question, with what political perspicacity and knowl-
edge of the concrete situation he approached the selec-
tion of the time for revolutionary action. On the very
eve of the October Revolution Lenin pointed out that _
it was too early to act on October 24 and it would be —

July 26—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 21