A government delegation of the Portuguese Republic
was in Moscow from October 29 to November 3. It was
headed by the Portuguese Minister of State and General
Secretary of the Communist Party of Portugal, Alvaro Cun-
hal. Here is the interview, slightly abridged, Cunhal gave to
the magazine Kommunis?, published in Moscow.

Q. Please describe the milestones in the Portuguese
revolution and the present situation in your country, as
well as the tasks of the democratic forces in both
domestic and foreign policies?

A: As for the Portuguese revolution, its first mile-
stone was the events of April 25.

As a result of the action of the armed forces, pre-
pared and carried out under the leadership of the Armed
Movement, which is revolutionary-democratic, the fascist
government was overthrown and the way was opened to
broad liberties in our country. But April 25 would have
been impossible without the mass popular movement,
which influenced the armed forces. The people took to the
streets all at the same time; they joined the armed forces
and, under the leadership of the democratic movement,
took part in liquidating the fascist dictatorship. On May 1,
1974, they demonstrated their immense power in full force.

Although the Armed Forces Movement expressed the
aspirations and interests of the Portuguese people and
played a major role in overthrowing fascism and in de-
mocratizing the nation’s life, the action would have been
impossible without the working class and the people’s
masses. These took part in the democratic movement,
imparting new impulse, new dynamism to that process
after April 25.

It should be said that in our forecasts, in anticipation
of the events of April 25, we did not expect that so much
would be accomplished so soon, that we would release pol-
itical prisoners at once, that the political police, the Fas-
cist Legion and other agencies of the fascist government
would be abolished, that political parties and all demo-
cratic organizations would be legalized, that a powerful
legal trade union movement would be established and free-
dom of the press granted, and that all basic pelitical free-
doms would, in fact, be re-established.

A very important factor was the formation of the
Provisional Government, which represented a broad coali-
tion of political and public forces. This government ac-

Alvare Cunhal

knowledged the democratic program of the.armed forces
and started its implementation at once, as it is doing to
this very day. The Provisional Government was formed
with the participation of the Communist Party, which
meant that the Portuguese working class was represented
in it through its revolutionary party. The formation of.

this government made is possible to consolidate the dem-—

ocratic forces and marked the beginning of wide democ-
ratization.
_ The months that have passed since then have been
difficult. Power has been exercised by various forces —
including antagonistic forces — and there has been strong
resistrace to democratization and decolonization. The
reactionary elements have tried to regain their positions
and have dealt all kinds of blows at the democratic forces
wherever possible. |

A serious political crisis broke out in July, when the
former Prime Minister of the Portuguese Provisional Gov-
ernment, Prof. Palma Carlos, attempted to push through
his proposals which, had they been adopted, would have
led to the collapse of the coalition, jeopardized the Armed
Forces. Movement and paved the way for the establish-
ment of an anti-democratic regime. The crisis, however,

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1975—Page 8

Portugal—
The revolution

proceeds

was overcome; the most conservative representatives
were removed from the government and replaced with the

- most prominent representatives of the Armed Forces

Movement. In this way, ‘conditions were created for a
more successful advance towards democratization and de-
colonization.

In September, a large-scale political action was
staged by reaction, fraught with real danger of another
coup. That would have meant regimentation of the coun-
try, dissolution of the Armed Forces Movement, banning
the Communist Party and all democratic organizations,
abolition of freedom of the press and of speech, and the
actual establishment of a new dictatorship. This maneuver
was prevented by. the popular movement and the Armed

-Forces Movement in a fundamentally important internal-

political development. On September 28, reaction suf-
fered another defeat on a nationwide scale: the reaction-
ary generals were removed from the Junta da Dalvacao
‘Nacional (the National Junta of Salvation) and General
de Spinola, the heart of the reactionary conservative for-
ces, had to resign. As a result, the government became
more homogeneous, and better conditions were created
for advance towards democratization as the alliance of the
people and the armed forces became still stronger.

So much about internal political problems. But there
are other major problems. We know that the Portuguese
revolution could not but touch on the colonial problem: it
was developing in close connection with the struggle
against the colonial war — a hopeless war, a war with no
way out, an unjust war, a war against people friendly to
us. That war brought Portugal incalculable misfortunes.
It was a criminal war against the colonial peoples and it
was equally criminal against the Portuguese people. That
war meant, above all, that our young people gave their
lives. But it also brought many complicated social prob-
lems.

The war hampered the country’s economic develop-:
ment. Military spending amounted to almost half the na--
tional budget, making the country more and more domin-
ated by foreign imperialism. Portugal needed ever more
and more funds to continue the war and to overcome the
mounting difficulties resulting from that war.

Thus the Portuguese revolutionary movement, de-
veloping along with the struggle against the colonial war,
regarded solidarity with the colonial people as a national
task of primary importance in order to preserve the inde-
pendence of our country, to ensure the independence of
Portugal itself. :

The end of the colonial war and recognition of the
right of colonial people to self-determination and inde-
pendence was a big event. Of course, the independence of
Guinea-Bissau was won through the heroic struggle of its
people. But it was supported by Portuguese democratic
forces and, in its final stage, by Portugal as a state. Of

Oporto, June 23, 1974: The Communist Party of Portugal is no longer underground.

great importance in the process of decolonization was
the formation of the Provisional Government in Mozam-
bique (Mozambique Liberation Front — FRELIMO —
with the participation of the Portuguese), which paved
the way to Mozambique’s independence. a

Portuguese officers and men of the former colonial.
army fought side-by-side with the armed forces of FRE-
LIMO. This cooperation between the Portuguese armed
forces and FRELIMO, between whites and Blacks, in the
struggle for Mozambique’s independence was also an
important feature of the Portuguese revolution.

These have been the milestones in our political life
until today. And now about our current and future tasks.

The situation within the-country is characterized by
the consolidation of ‘the Portuguese state and increased
possibilities for further democratization.

We believe that there are now three main trends in
this activity. The first is the strengthening of democratic.
freedoms and of the democratic state itself.

There are people who reproach the Communist Party
of Portugal (PCP) for its striving for order. They claim
they were previously against order. But we were against
the fascist order, against the criminal order upholding
the interests of big monopolies and latifundia owners, the
“order’’ of reprisals against the working people. :

We were fighting underground, we were fighting the
fascist order. But now we believe that we have a demo-
cratic order and we want this democratic order to defend
the interests and independence of our country and our peo-
ple. We attach a fundamental importance to this. That is
why we say: Yes, we want stronger order, even a stronger
state, because the entire state apparatus serves the cause
of freedom and democracy; because all state institutions,
including the armed forces, the security forces and the
administrative machine, serve the cause of democratiza-
tion of our country. ae

Reaction suffered a defeat on September 28, but it is
still active and strong. It continues its secret activities and
is supported from outside. And although it now lies low,
we must not be complacent.

In order to defend freedom, to ensure democratiza-
tion and decolonization and to hold free elections (to a
Constituent Assembly on April 12, 1975), we must con-
solidate state power and the state machine. Simultan-
eously, the people should consolidate and the impact of all
working people should increase, so that democratization
is strengthened.

The policy of the PCP, both in the government and

outside it, is closely connected with the problem of co- |

operation between the government and the masses. If
government decisions do not always correspond to a point
in the Communist Party program, it is not surprising.
This coalition is a necessary compromise, and that always
requires certain concessions. From time to time, steps are