By ART SHIELDS

Ros Nixon, the president of the
world’s chief imperialist power,
is nothing in himself. He is a creature
of the most dangerous men in Wall Street.
He is a firebrand in the hands of reckless
gamblers for world rule, who may set
the earth on fire.

Nixon is owned by Middle East oil
barons, munitions kings, strikebreaking
employers and imperialist bankers. They
picked him out of the dust bin of Califor-
nia politics after Governor Pat Brown
overwhelmed him in the 1962 election.
And they made him a director of com-
panies with combined assets of more than
eleven billion dollars ($11,000,000,000).

One ‘of these companies — Investors
Diversified Services of Minneapolis —
owned seven and a half billion dollars
($7,500,000,000) of gilt-edged securities.
Three quarters of a billion of this was in
oil stocks. Most of these oil stocks were
in companies exploiting Arab lands. A
still bigger fortune was in the arms com-
panies.

And a child can guess how the mem-
ory of this oil and arms treasure affects
President Nixon’s war policies in the _
Middle East, Vietnam, Cambodia and
Laos.

Nixon came up with the cold war. He
was a second rate lawyer in a small Cal-
ifornia city when the Republican bosses .
were choosing a Congressional candidate
in 1946. He was against unions, he wor-

Shipped big business, and he played the
anti-Communist racket. The bosses put
their money behind him. And he defeat-
ed Jerry Voorhis, an anti-Communist lib-
eral, by calling him ‘‘Communistic.”’ _

This lie put Nixon in Congress at.a
time when the social reforms of the late
President Roosevelt were under heavy
attack. And Nixon served his masters by
promoting anti-labor legislation in the
House Labor. Committee. He claims —

much credit for the passage of the Taft-
Hartley anti-labor bill. This fascist meas-
ure was drafted by attorneys of the Na-
tional Association of Manufacturers.

Nixon then became a celebrity with
right wingers through the frame-up of
Alger Hiss, a Roosevelt Democrat who
helped to found the United Nations.

Hiss was accused by Whittaker Cham-
bers, an ex-Communist, of being a Soviet
spy, and Nixon, as a member of the Un-
American Activities Committee, pushed
the case against him. The chief ‘‘evi-
dence” consisted of papers found inside
a pumpkin. The story was preposterous,
but Hiss got five years.

And Nixon had big money behind him
when he won his Senate seat in 1950. His
Democratic Party opponent, Helen Gaha-
gen Douglas, was friendly to labor and
opposed the anti-Soviet war crowd. This
made her ‘“Communistic’’ in Nixon’s
campaign propaganda. :

Big Business now began financing
Nixon’s personal expenses as well as pay-
ing his political bills. How much they
slopped him is still unknown, but his stand-
ard of living went up. And in September
1952, in the midst of his vice presidential
campaign, one secret Nixon slush fund of

1.D.S.

ment
BOEING (aircraft)
LITTON INDUSTRIES
DOW CHEMICAL
SPERRY RAND
GENERAL DYNAMICS
WESTINGHOUSE
COLT INDUSTRIES
_ INTERNATIONAL NICKEL

Most of the $7,500,000,000 of stocks held by Nixon’s former company —
Investors Diversified Services — come from firms that sell goods to the Pentagon.
We list several of these war firms below, and the blocks of their stock owned by

IBM—International Business Machines—makers of military guidance equip-

$398,000,000
52,000,000
57,000,000
17,000,000
43,000,000
13,000,000
55,000,000
9,000,000
20,000,000

more than $18,000 came to light. The
checks were signed by a group of Cali-
fornia oil magnates, landowners and
bankers. Among them was Herbert Hoo-
ver, Jr., the son of former President
Herbert Hoover and a director of the Un-
ion Oil Co. He became Under-Secretary of
State during the Eisenhower-Nixon re-
gime not long after.

The donors, of course, denied they
were bribing the Senator. No. nothing so
crude. They merely wanted to see that
“Dick was denied none of the things that
a Senator’s station in life required.”

This explanation came from the slush
fund trustee — Dana C. Smith, a rich Los
Angeles lawyer. (See The Facts About
Nixon, by William Costello, Viking
Press. )

It looked for a while as though the
Republicans would drop Nixon from the
Number Two spot on the presidential tick-
et. This should be done, said the New
York Herald Tribune and a number of
other Republican papers. But Tricky

Dick.saved himself — just barely — by a

series of lies in a corny TV broadcast,
in which he played the injured innocence
role. He denied that he kept the money for
himself. He only kept presents like the
little cocker spaniel, Checkers, a gift to
his daughter. And he never asked govern-
ment favors for any donor, he said.

This denial of favors was exposed as
a lie by the Washington Star, a Republi-
can paper, the next day..The Star report-
ed that Nixon’s office intervened in be-
half of Dana C. Smith, the fund trustee,
in a big way. It asked the Justice Depart-
ment to allow a half million dollar tax

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1970—Page 6

rebate for a Smith family firm.

This looked like bribery in any dic-
tionary. But the Republicans were afraid
to change horses during a race. So Nixon
became vice president. And he almost
pushed the USA into a nuclear disaster
two years later.

The military-industrial complex was
pressing for an atomic attack on Ho Chi
Minh’s liberation forces in 1954. The
French were losing the war in Indochina.
A billion dollars of American ‘‘aid’’ had
gone down the drain. The end of imperial-
ism in Southeast Asia was in sight. The
war hawks were desperate. And Admiral
Arthur Radford, then chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Nixon begged
President Eisenhower to drop his nuclear
bombs. The aircraft carrier pilots were
ready, they said. Eisenhower’s course

. seemed uncertain for a time, but he even-

tually said ‘‘No,” after talking things
over with his British allies and reflecting
on the nuclear power of the Soviet Union.

@

While the President was’ making up
his mind Nixon tried to swing the press to
the war side. He told the American Socie-
ty of Newspaper Editors (April 16, 1954)
that U.S. troops should land in Vietnam if
the French pull out.

Nixon’s hopes for the White House
were temporarily blighted by. John F.
Kennedy in 1960. And he seemed to be
finished politically after his California
defeat. But his big business backers were
looking ahead. They moved him into a
$135,000 cooperative apartment on upper
Fifth Avenue, that carried annual main-

President Nixon will never
escape this image of him captured
in the 1950s by Victor Arnautoff.

tenance charges of $10,000. And they
made him senior partner of a big Wall
Street law firm at 20 Broad Street, ovel
looking the Stock Exchange. :
This law firm — Nixon, Mudge, Rosé,
Guthrie and Alexander — later add
John Mitchell, the present Attorney Gel
eral. Nixon had an annual income of $200,-
000. His firm was a mouthpiece for the

Morgans, Rockefellers and other giants.

It dealt with the intricate rat holes %
corporate law, which outsiders know
nothing about. And Nixon had only a few
years of petty law cases behind him. (He
applied for a job with the FBI, but was
rejected! )

But Nixon’s backers still had the

White House in mind. They wanted their -

man to get a fuller Wall Street training
than any president had before. They want
ed to make him so deeply indebted 10
them that he would never waver from
the billionaires’ line. And they placed him
on the boards of directors of some of the
giant companies the law firm represented.

In these. board rooms Nixon rubbed
shoulders with leaders of the financial
“power elite,’’ whom he served as presl
dent later:

As a director of the Mutual Life In-
surance Co. — a four billion dollar com
pany in the Morgan bankers’ camp — he
sat with such men as —

Ted Broeck Stevens, a director of Gen-
eral Electric, the big war contractor and
bitter enemy of labor. Stevens is also 4
director of the eleven billion dollar bank
— The Morgan Guaranty Trust Co. — that
controls the U.S. Steel-Corp. He is also
president of J.P. Stevens and Co., a mon
ster textile combine with nearly 80 non-
union plants, operated by low-paid white
labor.

Some of the biggest copper bosses —
with mines in Montana, Utah, Arizona,
New Mexico, South Africa, Chile and
Peru—sat with Nixon on the Mutual board.
And these are the copper men our Presi
dent serves — not the miners in the cop-
per pits.

Nixon’s financial ties were especially

close to the big oil and arms companies. -

And he listens to their recommendations
when he makes appointments. This was
shown when Nixon fired John F. O’Leary,
the Director of the Bureau of Mines.
O’Leary had dared to condemn Consolida-
tion Coal for its safety violations after an
explosion at Mannington, W. Va., killed
78 miners. But Nixon was on the side of
the bosses, not the men. His former com-
pany, Investors Diversified Services,
held $58,000,000 in the stocks of Continen-
tal Oil (Morgan-Rockefeller), the owner
of Consolidation. So O’Leary had to go.
The one-time attorney, who prosecut-
ed drunks and traffic scofflaws in Whit-
tier, Calif., has climbed up the ladder of
anti-Communism into the bosom of the fi-
nancial aristocrats. But the steps of that
ladder are rotting today. The old bugaboo
slogans don’t scare the people any more.
They want peace on earth and an end to
inflation, military terror and racism at
home.

—Reprint from Daily World —

2 AE EET aC