Stay with CLC, says Kinnaird ; Continued from page 1 } by the Building Trades and i others to go into this or that i body or stay with the CLC,” he | | ‘But I have no problem in | determining my position: I’m | | for staying in the CLC and I’m | } urging others to do likewise.” | } Kinnaird sketched in the} | background of events which led | } uptothecurrent crisis, outlining | i the three issues which the} } Building Trades have cited in} | the dispute: the issue of affilia- | } tion to the Quebec Federation of | } Labor of the Independent Elec- } } tical Workers; job jurisdiction } | disputes with industrial unions; } and, of major contention, the | issue of constitutional changes tin voting procedures in CLC conventions and delegate representation. But he noted that as the CLC executive council and CLC committees sought, over a period of several months, to resolve the issue with the trades, ‘‘the-goalposts were be- ing changed. “First it was Quebec, then it was jurisdiction, then Quebec again and then the issue of con- stitutional changes. ‘“‘But when the smoke clears,’’ he emphasized, ‘“‘the issue of Quebec and the issue of } jurisdiction will have drifted } away.’ He told delegates that the | “fundamental difference’ bet- ween the Building Trades and the CLC was over the role the two sides see for a labor central in Canada. Over the years, the Sas labor movement in the CLC | “thas moved forward to a more open, more.democratic rank- and-file convention,” he said. ‘‘But that has been resisted by the Building Trades.” | He noted that the Building Trades unions have always » shown ‘‘a great reluctance’’ to establish a Canadian structure for their own members and even when, under great pressure, they set up such a structure “‘it is still tightly controlled from Washington. “As for a Canadian labor } central the Building Trades wants a Congress of affiliates,’’ Kinnaird said, ‘tone which is run from the top down.”’ In contrast, the CLC is a Congress of local unions, with policies determined by the union membership, he said. ‘My position is to maintain that kind of labor congress, and I urge all unionists to stay in the CLO Published weekly at Suite 101 — TRIBUNE PHOTO—SEAN GRIFFIN «Nes dent Jim Kinnaird ae interfering” role of Employers’ Council at press Flanked by (I to r) CUPE representatives Don Cott and Mike Kramer and VMREU representative George Kowbel, B.C. Federation of Labor presi- The recent breakdown in con- tract negotiations between the unions representing the striking Greater Vancouver civic employees and the negotiators for the Greater Vancouver Regional District pro- mpted a quick response from the Vancouver Province. Coming out squarely on the side of the municipal councils, the editorial declared: ‘‘CUPE’s de- mand is, in fact, revolutionary. Equal pay for equal work is a justifiable objective and indeed has been widely accepted in labor con- tracts. But the demand that inside clerical workers, mostly women, in the municipalities should receive the same base pay as outside workers goes well beyond the equal pay-equal work principle. It goes far beyond the equal pay for com- parable work argument which has made little progress because of the difficulty of establishing com- parability. The CUPE demand would mean that differences in work functions and responsibilities would count for nothing in setting wages.” The Province conveniently ig- nored that the Canadian Union of Public_Employees and the Van- couver Municipal and Regional Employees’ Union have proposed that the equalization process should take place over a period of three years. The clerk-typist 2 rate would reach the base rate for an un- skilled laborer in this time span and other adjustments would be made as required in order to conform to the basic principle of equal pay for work of equal value. In my last Labor Comment, I noted the criterion for equal pay for work of equal value as laid down by the Canadian Human Rights Act. The Act provides that 1416 Commercial Drive, Vancouver, B.C. V5L 3X9. Phone 251-1186 Read the paper that fights for labor City or town Postal Code Se ee ee ee ee te Ps wn he Bs a tee eee Se ee ee ee 1 am enclosing: 1 year $120 2 years $220 +6 months $7 0 OidO New $Foreign 1 year $15 0 Billi me later FD Donation$.......... PACIFIC TRIBUNE—APRIL 10, 1981—Page 12 the value of work will be based on the composite of the ‘‘skill, effort and responsibility required in the performance of the work and the conditions under which the work is performed.”’ If the GVRD would agree to lift the base clerical rate to the base labor rate (as a number of school ' boards have) and to phase in a sound structure for equal pay for conference called by civic unions Monday. basis of a one-year agreement, in- cluding a bigger adjustment for trades classifications and ad- justments for certain clerical groups. When Albertini returned, he placed the following proposition before the unions: The employer is prepared to make a proposal through the negotiating committee to the Labor Comment work of equal value over a period of three years, the main barrier in the way of a settlement would be removed. Instead of supporting this reasonable proposal, the Province called upon the provincial govern- ment to bring in legislation to end the strike: “Obviously it’s an issue beyond the capacity of the two sides in the civic: dispute. The government therefore should launch its own in- itiative with further mediation. And if mediation fails it should consider the ultimate alternative —legislation to end the strike and to impose an arbitrated settlement.”’ If we examine the process that led to the breakdown in negotia- tions last week, an interesting pic- ture emerges. The two negotiating committees were in the same hotel from Tuesday morning through to Saturday evening, but they were in different rooms. They never met face to face to negotiate. Instead, they communicated through government mediator Ken Alber- tini, except for one day when union representatives met with local civic officials separately to discuss what are called local issues, namely - issues confined to one employer. From what I have been told, a good number of local issues and a number of secondary issues apply- ing to all local unions appeared to be settled. Then, at 6:30 p.m. Saturday, the mediator told the union side he would go to the GVRD room and raise the question of equal pay for work of equal value. By this time, the employers’ side had already in- dicated it was prepared to make a slight move upward in wages on the Jack Phillips membership. The proposal would include the following points: e A two-year term, e Improved general wage in- crease;) e Adjustments to lower level clerical classifications and others (over and above the general wage increase; e Withdrawal of the health and welfare package (which the unions vowed never to accept). According to GVRD spokesman Graham Leslie, the proposal would be pre-ratified by the GVRD labor relations committee and would on- ly require ratification by individual locals and their. employers. Ratification by any local and its employer would mean a new col- lective agreement and an end to the work stoppage in that municipali- ty. Asa prior condition to receiving the offer the co-ordinated negotiating committee of the unions must agree to hold simultaneous membership meetings and put the offer to a vote by secret ballot. When the co-ordinated negotiating committee refused to be party to any agreement to put a package offer to the union membership without itself know- ing all the details, and before it could discuss and debate it in a negotiating session with the employers’ representatives, the talks broke off. Then, the GVRD negotiators held a press conference and tried to put across the idea that the union side had broken off negotiations by rejecting a specific offer. I have no doubt that the propos- _ ed package settlement was ready in writing to present to the unions, provided the unions’ represen tatives first agreed to put it to 4 membership vote before they knew - the details. The unfairness of this ploy is obvious when you realize that Graham Leslie, the GVRD spokesman, would not make such an offer without prior agreement from his negotiating committee aS_ to the precise contents of the package. The tactics of the GVRD negotiators were cunning, indeed. First, they hoped to cause a split on | the union side, with some local unions accepting the package and others rejecting it. Second, they planned, in the event of a rejection | bythe unions’ negotiators, to carry on a campaign through the media to cause dissension in the ranks, leading to demands by some- strikers for a vote. Third, they estimated - at least in my opinion= that if the strike dragged on long” enough the provincial government would step in and take them off the hook. Obviously, if this strike is soil to be won on a basis acceptable to the workers, the civic employees must have the all-out support of thé labor movement, and the B.C. Federation of Labor in particular. What fornis that support should take is up to the labor movement t0 determine. However, I would suey gest that every municipal counc involved should be visited by large and representative delegations from organized labor - along with delegations from other organiza-_ tions which favor a just settlement through negotiations. This kind of pressure and in- dependent political action - in- cluding hard-hitting ads in the press designed to win wide public sup port for the strikers - is what the. situation calls for. The strikers have to deal with municipal politicians | who are sensitive to public opinion. The Employers’ Council of B.C., has been putting heavy pressure on the municipal councils ¢ to hold the settlement down to 4 level satisfactory to corporaté business. The labor movement its friends must bring counter- pressure to bear in a bold, public fashion. That is the extra weight which is required if this strike is to be won. If this strike results in 4 defeat for the civic employees, it could have a negative effect on the many sets of negotiations that will follow in other industries. % pa