fate Seeond Havana Declaration was read out by ment i 0, prime minister of the revolutionary gov- ble f Cuba, to one and a half million people ening a the Revolution Square of Havana in the Vi great Feb. 4. It was adopted unanimously and Asse enthusiasm by the Second General National mbly of the Cuban People. 0, eae 1895, the eve of his death, the apostle of our , a tee, José Marti wrote to his friend Manuel Mer- et wey €r that was not finished because a Spanish «ay, Ut through his heart: Bike. am able to write . . . At any moment I may iBUSt Win Betty. fall while doing my duty ... We rates wil x €pendence for Cuba, otherwise the United ica fp €ize the Antilles and fall upon the lands of our am stil] a there. All I have done until now and all S, oe to do — is for this aim. There are ing pe ones among them, vitally interested in fement ih foreign imperialists from coming to an ba to anne the Spaniards and paving a road through del and xation of the countries of our America by the Ust be ee North which despises us. This road it with at all costs and we, the Cubans, are bar- Ublic, Bershinn bodies, The obligations, private and ating the ‘ ed the fraternal peoples from joining us and ce we are making in the name of the aa ae the name of the vital interests of the NOW jt: ae I have been in the monster’s maw in 1p » Navid’s sling is in my hands.” 93 Marti already indicated the danger hover- Ipe merica and called imperialism by its name: Ore tha, He warned the peoples of America that they, Ould not anybody else, were interested in that Cuba Sing the pitulate before the avidity of the Yankee tds of the atin American peoples. Marti sealed the last Rtica, ang wss88e with his blood, spilled for Cuba and * Declarati i memory of him the Cuban people open i 'on with his words. s Oa oan years have passed. Puerto Rico was turned ltitude eee and remains a colony to this day, with a Utches of fmetary bases in it. Cuba also fell into the 8 amen, Petalista whose troops occupied our territory. '% disgraceful was inserted into our first constitution, Pi interfere article sanctifying the hateful right to * 8; our ‘ieee Our wealth went into the imperialists’ iY Were fully was falsified, our government and our Years the adapted to the aggressors’ interests and Y and culturally, UY > ae oe proved able to cast off the disgrace- destiny, pessli: Cuba tore asunder the fetters bind- > Testor, h the despotic empire; she returned her ‘er culture and hoisted her sovereign flag territory and the free people of America. tates will ne ‘ ore ver be able to fall upon, America atin A°t Cuba but, dominating the majority of the a, |S : fi... dnd tg n history if not the history of Latin Amer- bry of Asiz 's the history of Latin America if not the hth all : Africa and Oceania? And what is the his- ee and “ie Peoples if not the history of the most jp “lism “Tl exploitation of the whole world by i At ty * le Clog, heal - the last and in the beginning of the cur- ds divigin andful of economically developed countries gi ilitical de the world, having spread their economic Wenmation over two-thirds of mankind which, C Stoup of e histo; c es = . "ced to work for the ruling classes of nities with developed capitalist economy. 2 renditions which enabled certain European in dustrig hited States of America to attain a high » Which evelopment placed them in a powerful a attire Could use to subjugate the rest of the Notive 7aeae and exploitation. to ee impelled the countries with develop- S, as ther sion? Was it for the moral “civil- Thind, y asserted? No, they had economic e di id gs uergry N'Y Of America, which impelled Euro- ing ot e ® sail across the seas to seize the lands Wealth pe cbles of other continents, the desire to © Sear Ue Fee me the motive power determining their Oditin 2 for 1) of America itself was explained by fetcheg . Shortest route to the East, whose com- Prices in Europe. : of merchants and manufacturers of ted in’ the feudal society of masters the Middle Ages. f this new a the means which launched the Ves this ae This craving for profit stimulat- Produce 8rew mae made throughout its history. Its withetion a’ong with the development of indus- F Moyne the fr Commerce, New productive forces, Mstig gp tin requens ok of a feudal society, clashed ism acy with relations of serfdom, charac- » and py, With its laws, institutions, philosophy, Ntatives Political ideology. i Tajntcllectual section of the class hew eatmed new philosophical and poli- z Ceptions of law and the state, and, W Tequirements of social life, they ed in the minds of the exploited he, UW go Ustria| ay Class appea the end of oY gold whole country was strangled politically, - THE CUBAN PEOPLE ADDRESS THE PEOPLES OF AMERICA AND THE WORLD masses. From that time on the old-fashioned ideas of the feudal society were opposed by revolutionary ideas. The peasants, handicraftsmen and factory workers, headed by the bourgeoisie, overthrew the feudal system, its philos- ophy, ideas, privileged institutions, and ruling class, ie. the hereditary nobility. At that time the bourgeoisie believed that revolution was just and necessary. It did not consider that the feudal system could and should be everlasting, whereas today it does not uphold this view, but just the opposite, concern- ing its capitalist social orders. It inspired the peasants to free themselves from feudal slavery, and the artisans to come out against guild rela- tions, As for itself, it demanded the right to political rule, The absolute monarchy, nobility, and top-ranking clergy stubbornly defended their class privileges, proclaiming the divine right of the crown and immutability of their social system. To be liberal and proclaim the ideas of Voltaire, Diderot and Jean Jacques Rousseau — representatives of bourgeois philosophy — was, according to the ruling classes at that time, equally as grave a crime as to be a socialist and proclaim the ideas of Marx, Engels and Lenin today. When the bourgeoise seized poli- < tical power and set up its own capi- * talist form of production on the shambles of the feudal society, it was this form of production that led to the establishment of its state, laws, ideas, and institutions. The latter first of all sanctified the es- sence of class domination of the bourgeoisie, namely, private owner- ship. The new society, founded on private ownership of the means of production and on the freedom of competition, thus split up into two main classes, one of them posses- sing means of production, ever more up-to-date and efficient, the other, deprived of all wealth, own- ing only its manpower, and, in order to secure its existence, forced to put up this manpower for sale on the market as a new commodity. The productive forces forged ahead at an extraordinary rate as soon as the chains of feudalism were broken. Big factories appear- ed, attracting an ever-increasing number of workers. The most up-to-date and efficient factories started drivin, weaker rivals out of the market. The cost of industria equipment grew higher and higher. Ever bigger amounts of capital had to be accumulated. The increasingly greater part of production became concentrated in the hands of an ever-diminishing group. Thus, there appeared big capitalist enterprises, followed later by associations of major enterprises in the form of cartels, syndicates, trusts and consortiums, depending on the scale and character of the association, controlled by those holding the greater number of shares, i.e., the most i the initial stage of its existence, gave way to monop- olies, which concluded agreements between themselves and exercised control over the market. id these vast sums come from which enabled a nendful of tees to collect billions of dollars? They were derived from the exploitation of human labor. Millions of people, forced to work for wages barely securing their existence, created, thanks to their effort, enormous sums of monopolistic capital. The working people helped to build up fortunes for the privileged classes which grew . wealthier and more powerful. lasses were able through banking institutions to annie they wished not only with their own money, but also with the money of the entire society. This led to the fusion of banks with large-scale industry and the ap- pearance of financial capital. What should be done with the big surpluses of capital, which continued to accumulate in ever-increasing amounts? The answer was to use them to intrude everywhere in ‘the world. These ‘classes, constantly seeking profit, started seizing the natural riches of all economically weak coun- tries and exploiting the population of these sates paying them even scantier wages than they were compell- ed to pay their own workers in the home countries. Mais Thus there began the territorial and economic division of the world. In 1914 eight or ten imperialist countries spread their economic and political influence outside their frontiers over territories totalling 52,300,000 ne gi see with a population of 970 million people, The world was divided. _ i size of the globe is limited and even the ot oa it had been already divided, a clash took place between different monopolistic countries, and a struggle for a re-division started, caused by the aUPLOp tionate distribution of the industrial and economic au which had been attained by certain unevenly developing monopolistic countries. Section of the large Havana crowd th werful owners. Free competition, typical of capitalism — -Imperialist wars broke out which cost mankind 50 mil- lion human lives and destroyed countless material and cultural values. This was not in evidence yet when Marx wrote that new-born capitalism oozed blood and filth from all its pores, from head to foot. As soon as it gave everything it was capable of, the capitalist system of - production turned into a colossal hindrance to the development of mankind. But bourgeois society had contained its antithesis since its inception. There had been developing within it gigantie means of production as well as a vigorous social forces, the proletariat, which was called upon to replace the already obsolete and decrepit social system of capitalism with a higher economic and social formation and, in keep- ing with the historical possibilities of human society, turn these gigantic means of production, which had been created and accumulated by the people, and solely by the people, owing to their labor, into public property. At this stage of the development of the productive forces the system which stipulated private ownership and, to- gether with its subjugation of the economy of millions upon millions of people to the dictate of an insignificant minority of society, becomes absolutely outdated ‘and anachronistié, The interests of mankind demanded liquidation of the anarchy of production, squander, economic crises and pred- atory wars inherent in the capitalistic system. The new requirements of mankind and the possibilities of their satisfaction demanded planned development of the economy at heard and endorsed the Declaration and a rational utilization of its means of production and natural resources. The outset of a profound and insoluble crisis of imper- ialism and colonialism was inevitable. The general crisis began during the first world war, after the workers’ and peasants’ revolution overthrew the tsarist empire in Russia and created, in the most difficult conditions of capitalist encirclement and aggression, the world’s first socialist state, thus ushering in a new era in mankind’s history. Since then and up to our days the crisis and disintegration of the imperialist system have been constantly growing in acuteness. The Second World War, which was unleashed by the im- perialist powers and which drew the Soviet Union and other European and Asian peoples subjected to a criminal invasion into a bloody struggle for liberation, ended with the defeat of fascism, the establishment of a world social- ist camp and the struggle of the colonial and dependent peoples for their liberation. Between 1945 and 1957 more than 1,200 million people in Asia and Africa won indepen- dence. These peoples did not shed their blood in vain. The movement of the dependent and colonial peoples is a- phenomenon of a universal nature which shakes the whole world and signifies: the last crisis of imperialism. * Cuba and Latin America are part of the whole world. Our problems are part of the problems stemming from the general crisis of imperialism and the struggle of the enslaved peoples — a clash between the emerging and dy- ing worlds. The repugnant ruthless campaign launched against our country testifies to the desperate but vain efforts of the imperialists trying to prevent the liberation of the peoples. Cuba is a paricular nuisance to the imperialists. What stands behind the Yankees’ hatred for the Cuban revolution? What is the correct explanation of the conspir- acy which unites by a common aggressive aim the wealth- iest and strongest imperialist power of the present-day world and oligarchies of countries of a whole continent totalling a population of 350 million people, in the strug- gle against a small nation counting only seven million people, economically underdeveloped and having neither the financial nor military resources which can threaten the security or economy of any country? They are united and impelled to action by fear. All this is explained by fear. It is not fear of the Cuban revolus tion; it is fear of the Latin American revolution. It is not fear of the workers, peasants, students, intel- lectuals and progressive groups from the middle strata of the population who have seized power in Cuba in a revo- HAVANA DECLARATION