_ : a —-_.) a - Ss. 1 y . 3 ee _WORLD _ London and Paris silent France, Britain and West Germany were relieved. In their View, the near-agreement in Iceland would have decoupled” the U.S. from its European allies and left the USSR with an advantage in conventional forces. €y wanted to maintain a nuclear deterrence although they agreed with the idea of reducing the number of Nuclear weapons by 50 per cent. France, Britain and West Germany also called on the | USSR to abandon the linkage between an agreement on Intermediate nuclear forces (INF), such as the SS-20s, Tulse and Pershing-2 missiles, with an agreement ban- ¢ Ning the testing and deployment of space weapons. In | Short, the U.S.’s major NATO partners reiterated their demand for the elimination of all INF weapons — the So-called ‘‘zero option’’ — which NATO had been de- Manding since 1981. _ But when Soviet leader Gorbachev offered to drop the linkage and accept ‘‘zero option’’, lo and behold some European NATO responded very coolly. USSR Plan Welcomed The vast majority of the people, however, warmly $ Welcomed the Soviet offer to delink INF from Star Wars. n West Germany, a Stern magazine poll showed 92 per Cent public approval of Gorbachev's proposal. France, ugh, has taken the leadership of those former sup- Porters of the zero option who are now suddenly against .: The other main centers of opposition to an INF ‘On meaningful arms control = agreement are to be found in the British and West Ger- man governments. Last January’s federal election in the FRG, however, have seriously eroded the influence of the ‘‘steel hel- met’’ faction inside Chancellor Kohl’s government, while strengthening the hand of Detrich Genscher, his Foreign Minister. Kohl has, for the time being, accepted Genscher’s lead on foreign policy and arms control mat- ters, and Genscher has called on NATO to accept the sincerity and seriousness of the Soviet INF proposal. Britain’s Thatcher government is clearly unhappy with the prospects of an arms control agreement based on the zero option. But its room to maneuver is severe- ly restricted by the fact that an election is in the offing. Thatcher’s problems are made worse by a very strong peace movement and contradictory polls and by-election results indicating voters are in a very volatile mood. Thatcher has not forgotten what happened to Kohl at the polls and is anxious to appear as mediator between the U.S. and USSR. On the eve of her first trip to Moscow, her government has been forced to publicly welcome the Soviet initiative. France’s Assignment The job of undermining the Soviet offer has been left to France. And although France is also expecting elections within a year, voters will have a narrow range of choices on the peace question. President Mitterand’s Socialist Party and all the right-wing parties, including the one led by Prime Minister Jacques Chirac, are all agreed in their demand to link INF to other arms control issues such as short-range nuclear missiles and conventional arms. Only the French Communist Party has consistently backed the zero option. Although the USSR has repeatedly expressed its will- ingness to remove the short-range missiles it deployed in the GDR and Czechoslovakia in response to U.S. de- ployment of Cruise and Pershing-2 missiles in Western Europe, France still insists on linkage. The anti-zero option rhetoric in France has even taken on extreme proportions. Some cabinet ministers refer to the possible INF agreement as ‘‘a new Munich’’. Mitter- and, while avoiding the rhetoric, has called for any INF agreement to be linked to the removal of other Soviet short-range missiles. 3 One can rest assured that if the USSR agrees to re- move its short-range missiles from Europe on the condi- tion the U.S. does likewise, Paris and other NATO mili- tarists will then raise the hoary problem of the alleged i U8 ARR FORCE ake ges, ‘ . Seal When the Soviet Union makes a linkage between arms control issues, NATO demands delinkage. When the Soviet Union delinks arms control issues, NATO demands linkage. imbalance of convention forces which they claim favors the Warsaw Pact. It should be recalled in all this talk about removing short-range missiles along with INF, both Paris and London have pursued a studied silence about their own nuclear forces. In essence, the French position boils down to demanding Soviet unilateral disarmament while Paris maintains and builds up its force de frappe, a de- mand the USSR cannot and will not meet. In short, Paris Opposes meaningful arms control. Conventional Forces The ultimate argument advanced by these European militarists to justify their position is the alleged superior- ity of Warsaw Pact conventional forces — and here they resort to lies. The 1986 report of the Brookings Institute in the U.S. admits the existence of rough parity between the con- ventional armed forces of the two alliances. The 1986 report of the London Institute did likewise. In fact, the Warsaw Pact has 5.8 million men under arms while NATO has 5.3 million. The West European militarists keep silent about a fact well-known to them: a successful military ‘‘invasion’’ would require at least a two-to-one, if not a three-to-one advantage in men and equipment for the ‘‘invader’’. Not even the wildest NATO dreams can come up with 10 million Warsaw Pact soldiers. So why do France and Britain oppose any meaningful arms control agreement, including their long-loved zero option? Firstly, and most importantly, both countries have large, home-grown military-industrial complexes which, like their U.S. counterpart, gain enormous profits from the arms race. Secondly, both countries were once world powers themselves, but have since declined to second-rate status. Possession of their own independent nuclear strike forces is, in their view, the means of maintaining their status as great imperialist world powers. But the victims of their dreams of winning back past glories are arms control and world peace. pnts en enn gn | INTERNATIONAL FOCUS Tom Morris He’s the real thing Some months ago, Canada’s ambassador Stephen Lewis endeared himself for- €ver with the Reagan White ‘Ouse and its remaining friends by leading a vicious at- “CK against the USSR over its Support for Afghanistan. ia Wis’ rhetoric surpassed €n UN representative Ver- von Walters in the use of de- Beave adjectives. The radi- va Socialist had transformed © a world-class reactionary Peaking on a world stage. . . oo A sort of Canadian Lyn- Cle Larouche or Eldridge aver, pws, then, will be pleased ttiol i that his anti-Soviet vi- Ment Ormed the major argu- tribut im a hate leaflet dis- Bolte in eepith at a recent Bhokis of the Red Army bie ese Peddlers of right-wing .'mMmediately recognized Wis’s UN speech as exactly Lewis: the socialist trans- formed. reflecting their views. They loved it, and quoted extensive- ly from it in their leaflet. The speech contained enough mal- ice even for them. Stephen has come a long way from the debating halls of academia and the chambers of the Ontario legislature where he once toiled for social de- mocracy. Back then many thought he was a radish social- ist —a bit to ae and-far ute to be real. he's real alright, but no socialist. Never enough for Reagan ‘‘Just how much does Mul- roney want us to pull his chest- nuts out of the fire on acid rain? Wonder how badly the guy needs a free trade deal? Should “we give the poor slob some- thing when Reagan goes up there in April? What's he got left he hasn’t already given away?’’, must be the questions making the rounds in the White House. Having positioned Mul- roney to stand before the coun- try with his pants firmly around his ankles, the Americans are ready to deal. Reagan will drive his ‘“friend’’ Brian to the wall de- manding he smack the pro- vinces which question his free trade talks into line. U.S. negotiator Murphy last week publicly said as much. He will demand Canada boost its military spending. He © wants more Canadian troops in Europe, more hardware (bought from guess where?) His shopping list is endless. Reagan has Mulroney on the ropes. Having sold his political soul to Reagan in advance, he’s now getting a lesson in U.S. duplicity. American de- mands increase daily. There’s not even the pretense of cour- tesy left. Mulroney now re- sembles the drug addict caught in the deadly downward spiral. They ve got him where they want him — dancing at the end of a string, begging for crumbs, willing to accept any small face-saver. That's the price of selling the farm to this right-wing U.S. administration. No matter what Mulroney offers, it won't be enough. They’re after con- trol. They demand blind, un- questioning loyalty in foreign affairs, subservience in economic matters and silence on bilateral questions. That’s why they like Mulroney and his Tories. But there’s still the Cana- dian people ... ‘A strong U.S. ally He was a real whiz. In the two years Jay Pollard worked for Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, he stole enough secret U.S. documents to create a pile six feet by six feet, 10 feet high. For this Is- rael paid Pollard $50,000 — that’s $5,000 per foot, which may well be recorded as the cheapest. wage scale yet in the world of espionage. For his efforts, the 32-year- old Pollard was sentenced to life imprisonment. And, to add further insult to Pollard’s injury, the Israeli government flatly denied Pol- lard worked for them, even through it promoted the two men who recruited and con- trolled Pollard. It also turned out that Pollard would deliver the documents to the Israeli embassy in Washington which promptly photo-copied them and sent them home. aterm i