‘THE projected time - table for this session of the legislature nas been knocked silly. Constituc ency pressure against the sales tax has been terrific and is still inoreasing. Every type of organ- ization is represented in the pro- tests. The government had to use its heaviest clubs to get the bill caucused and it still can't count on all Coalitionists to vote for it. Perhaps the most significant government statement of the week was scarcely mentioned in the daily press. Premier “Boss” Johnson stated: “No person ‘has a greater desire than myself to see proper health, pension and hospital ‘insurance schemes, and the sales tax will eventually pay for them when they do come into effect.” This is the first official ac- knowledgement that the provin- cial sales tax will end up by going far beyond the present three percent toll—just as the federal levy has ‘ climbed step by step from two percent to eight percent. The housewives who came on the labor lobby were sitting in the gallery when Finance Minis- ter Herbert Anscomb introduced the sales tax bill. Anscomb prides himself upon his ability to draw up a budget, but the budgetting problem he and his fellow legislators at Ottawa are giving housewives as a result is wellnigh impossible. The min- ister had the floor—but the la- dies are likely to have the last word when the ‘next election comes around. And a lot of Coalitionists are going to be in the political dog-house. e FEAR of public reaction to its policies is behind the gov- ernment’s intensification of hys- teria and in this atmosphere the danger to fundamental civil and trade union rights is growing. Government members speak of what they term “Commie”: plots as the root of their difficulties and are encouraging this police state attitude in the civil ser- vice. ; This was the official attitude in the buildings towards the la- bor lobby which: came to the capital last week to voice de- mands that certainly have the support of a majority of the people in this province. The government refused to méet the lobbyists, but the effect of their presence was seen in frayed Coalition tempers and in the sharpness of the debates that made last week the hottest of the session, with the CCF tack- ling the government spoint by point on its betrayals of the people. © (THE CCF has been putting up a great fight on the esti- mates, contesting almost every point. For example, on the At- torney-General’s estimates, Her- bert Gargrave, CCF whip, obser- ved: “No wonder we have a three percent sales tax when there is excessive spending in a purely administrative depart- ment .. . showing an increase from two to three and a half million.” By BRUCE MICKLEBURGH © “Shall we cut down on the jails and police?” demanded Wismer. “J realize that as long as the Coalition stays in we'll need more jails and police,” was Gar- grave’s rejoinder. The CCF has made it pretty clear the government is on a wholesale spending spree at the people’s expense, “Can't you break that record?” Wismer ask- ed at one point. “We're out to break the sales tax, but you steamroller every vote through”, came Gargrave’s reply. “$270,000 may not seem much to you with your capital- ist mind but 27 cents: is a lot to me and the people who have to pay this sales tax.’ o "(THE CCF is thoroughly expos- ing the government’s coal poli- cies. Sam Guthrie (CCF, Cowi- chan-Newcastle) demanded that the Crown recover abandoned Canadian Collieries mines on Vancouver Island so that min- ers’ cooperatives could work their remaining huge deposits without paying his royalties to the company. He reminded the House these mines had been given to the Dunsmuir interests for nothing in 1883. “We've done nothing . . . this is private property” © was Mines Minister R. C. MacDon- ald’s reply. His remarks were supplemented by a spirited free The week in the House ~ @alition coal policies make things hot for the government enterprise speech from “Boss” Johnson around the theme, “The government does not propose to go into the coal business ... I’m in the coal business myself and know what Im. talking about”. Tom Uphill charged that there was $10,000,000 worth of water in. Canadian Collieries ~ stock, and Harold Winch blasted the whole Island coal setup ,as one of the biggest steals in history. To this MacDonald replied that the Dunsmuir deal was “by con- tract between an individual and the government what's wrong with that?. . . Dunsmuir Z Z helped the development of this . he had the initi- ~ Ns as province .. ative”. Tom Uphill drew a vivid pic- ture of a different kind of initi- ative—the initiative of the min- “who earn their $11 work- ing in hundreds in a dangerous hole where there are no flush toilets. Nobody can say their wages are too high unless they’re prepared to go down and dig.” ers Harold Winch charged the Premier with preparing another huge coal steal in the Peace River when the PGE was com- pleted. - Prairie storm brewing By B. R. SWANKEY SUPPORT for a non-delivery grain strike this summer is grow- ing throughout the west. It is cen- tered around the demand for an initial price of $2 per bushel for wheat. Farmers are also demand- ing that they get the world ex- port price for all wheat, that pay- ments on participation certifi- cates be yearly and that all grains be marketed by a national grain board. Is the demand for a $2 initial price justified and reasonable? Well the fact is that farmers need $2 a bushel if they are to meet, the rapidly rising cost of production and still make a liv- ing. Money isn't worth what it used to be. It’s what the dollar can buy that counts. Secondly ‘there is over $230,000,000 in the Wheat Board Treasury that belongs to the farmers. This Clement Attlee--a little man A profile by BETTY WALLACE < 3 importance of the Rt. Hon. Clement Richard Attlee, prime minister of Britain, is that he typifies all that is good and all that is bad in the Labor Party. He is indeed the product of his time and en- vironment. ’ The 65 years of Attlee’s life- time have covered the phenom-’ enal rise of Britain to world power and its subsequent de- cline to satellite status to the United States. These 65 years have also been a_ period of great hope and disappointment for the labor movement. This period saw the found- ation of the Fabian Society in 1884 (which developed and spread social-democratic philos- ophy throughout Britain) and militant trade union and elec- toral struggles, which led to the return of the first Labor government with effective power under the leadership of Clement Attlee himself. _ ‘ The high hopes of two years ago have vanished, and British socialism led by Attlee now is engaged in betraying the in- terests of the British working class at the behest of Britain and -American capital. e \LEMENT Attlee was born in London on January 38, 1883. The son of a London solicitor, he had the traditional English upper-class education. He left the famous public school, Hail- eybury, to ‘go to Oxford. Later he became a barrister. Like many young men of his generation, he was disturbed by the disparities of wealth and poverty which he could not fail to notice everywhere in Britain. | Brought up in a_ conservative atmosphere of a typical Victor- ian family of the professional classes, he broke away to join the Fabian Society: when he was 25 years old. - Attlee thas had little to do with the industrial or trade union side of the labor move- ment, His earliest experiences came through his association with the social reform move- ments led by rich philanthro- pists. Attlee abandoned the legal profesison to become secretary of a social work settlement East End. He held minor offices in the two minority Labor ments of 1924 and 1929, having been elected a member of par- liament for Limehouse in 1922. His _ parliamentary career co- incides with the change in the character of the Parliamentary Labor Party. Previously Labor MPs had come almost exclus- ively from the working class. Today the working class rep- resentatives are in a definite minority. - ; in , London’s * AT his best "““mediocrity, and it is there- govern- Attlee is a fore difficult to describe Attlee, the man. His most enthusiastic supporters have found it neces- sary to explain that his weak- nesses and negative qualities are those that serve him best as leader of the Labor Party. They explain that his very modest, unassuming qualities are those that enable him to retain his leadership in a cab- inet that holds such powerful personalities as Ernest Bevin, Sir Stafford Cripps, and Herbert Morrison. ' ‘He is a little man, in physical stature as well as in moral and intellectual caliber. The books that he has written\ are second rate, His political philosophies are those of the nervous trades- man who puts his faith in charity and in God. For Attlee believes in God and at the moment has faith in the charitable: intentions of the American ruling class. To be more accurate, he believes in their charitable intentions to- ward governments that act on the asumption that there is nothing to choose between fas- cism and communism. Just ten years ago Clement Attlee wrote a book called The Labor Party in Perspective. He still stands by the philosophies that he expounded at that time. He believes that in spité of the existence of capitalism, Britain is a country of personal and political freedom, with a demo- cratic constitution and “the possibility of achieving socialist ends by constitutional methods.” He believes that the “first place in‘“the influence that built up the socialist movement must be given to religion . .. In no other country has Christianity becOme converted to socialism to such an extent as in Britain.” He takes pride in his state- ment that British socialists are not “theorists or revolutionaries who are absorbed in Utopian dreams.” Attlee takes pride in the day to day interest of the Fabians in the drainage aspect of municipal politics. Not for him are visions of a society of men free and equal with all their mental and physical fac- ulties developed in the service of the people. Attlee believes that commun- ‘ism and fascism are alike in many ways and that Britain must avoid both. He rejects the class struggle as a “retrograde step.” ‘ _ He. epitomizes the hatred of theory which Lenin observed in the British Left movement, the fear of clashing with the ruling class that characterizes the Labor leadership, and the dull, unimaginative and mediocre na- ture of Britain’s leadership today. ; is enough to raise the initial price for the 1947 crop to $2 a bushel and still leave some over. Even if the Wheat Board treasury did not have sufficient money on hand to pay the $2, the farmer would still be justified in demand- ing it. The farmer must be guar- anteed a living and if necessary should be subsidized by the feder- al treasury. The movement for strike action will now gain further impetus as a result of the 21 per cent increase in freight rates. This increase, which was granted.in the face of the united opposition of all sec- tions of the community in the west, will boost the cost of every- thing the farmer must buy—ma- chinery, twine, groceries. Why, in Alberta, lumber alone is going up — $3 a thousand! And last year an Alberta cattlemen’s association estimated that a 30 per cent in- crease in freight rates would re- sult in a loss to the farmer of $5 for every head of stock sold. What about the recent interna- ional wheat agreement? This, a product of the Marshall Plan, compels farmers to accept low prices and limits Canadian wheat exports to 230 million bushels a year. After years of subsidizing Britain out of their own pockets, farmers will now be forced to sub- sidize American imperialism, sup- ply it with cheap food which it will use as. weapon to force its reactionary policies upon the hungry peoples of Western Eur- ope. Furthermore, the low export quota will drive farmers out of coarse grains. ee . All these things combined are bringing about an explosive situ- ation on the prairies. And the gov- ernment fears another farm strike a great deal more than it cares to admit. a It is maneuvering in an ef: ort to calm the growing resentme: on the prairies. It is playing round with the question of ¢ lishing a national grain that would handle all grains. - only a short time ago Agricultu- ral Minister James Gardiner said year the initial would be raised to $1.75. ; : ee If it can be done next year, why can't it be done now? : bie eta: CONSTANTINE § PACIFIC T FINE: CUSTOM TAILORING For Ladies and Gentlemen — 720 W. Hastings, UPSTAIRS 16, 1948—PAGE 9 ‘PA. 3059 —