ee | gs, THE HUNGRY THIRTIES This was a big job, an Air Orce base, with the RCAF ilready in occupation of some f the completed buildings, @nd an airfield of a couple of square miles from which air Manoeuvres were ee out ry day. : an big job, and rapidly. ex- Qanding. Here thousands of jen were employed, building huge steel and concrete build- ‘ings — administration, bar- ‘tacks, offices, machine shops, _ hangars. Carpenters, plumbers, ma- hinists’ cement finishers truck ivers, laborers were employ- éd. Everything that goes to ; make up a big building con- ‘| was there By R. LIVERSEDGE ‘Here i is a description of a relief project during the Hungry Thirties, and lest anyone | ‘ think that I am describing a “labor camp” in Nazi Germany of that period, let me assure you that I am writing from bitter personal experience as a worker on that Canadian ef project for a few weeks during the year 1934. struction site was there. What was unique about this job was that none of these workers were receiving wages. Three adequate meals per day were provided, work clothes of a semi-uniform style, “khaki shirt and pants and work boots; and -sleeping accommo- dation in the long wings of the barrack ‘blocks as they were finished. _Double-decker beds with about a foot of space between. An “allowance” of 20 cents per day was made to each man for every working day. Dici- pline was maintained by a 20 cents per day police force in the camp. The only privilege allowed was that of quitting, which meant that no relief or assistance of any kind was ob- tainable, and reduced a man to hoboing and to prison. That is a brief and very factual description of the RCAF base at Trenton, Ontar- io, during the Hungry Thirties. It was only one of thousands of relief camps stretching all the way from Valcartier, Que- bee to Vancouver Island, un- der the direction of the De- partment of National Defense; and was the Bennett Tory gov- ernment’s “solution” of the mass unemployment problems, of that time. I was there. look at : Beone who studies the rich Science of Marxism, soon dis- covers that no aspect of life, fio group of people in society |i overlooked or neglected as being unimportant. Marx and Engels, the found- fs of Marxist science, studied everything: every phase of life, fvery section of society. (En- féls also studied natural sci- fee deeply). Their study of woman—her fevelopment and_ evolution from the beginning of recorded listory right into the present (apitalist era, is one of the most yaluable contributions to our knowledge of the progress of mankind. Marx and Engels—and later \ lenin in his writings — con- sidered woman as a member of : society of equal importance to fan. All three pointed out tlearly that no basic change in society can be brought about without the participa- fion of women. They saw and feted the fact that, in capital- sf society, woman was (and d#ill is) in a contradictory posi- ation; that while society had \ileadily progressed from one - tage to another, each more ayanced than the previous oie, and while woman has Wenefited in a general way from the advances in civiliza- : i ion, nevertheless, as a mem- yer of society, she remains in definitely inferior position i : \ in relation to man. 'Engels explained the cause | or this state of affairs in his vork Origin Of the Family, early society shows Private Property and the State. He takes us. back in history to the period called primitive communism; proceeding from this point in history he shows us how changes in the way people live, how they procure the three basic necessities of life — food, clothing and shel- ter — also change people and their relationships with one another. Thus, in early primitive life when people lived communal- ly, with as many as 100 people under one roof — in the “long houses” as they were called, woman’s status was natural, simple and clear. She was as- signed certain tasks in accord- ance with her ability and the social needs of all, on an equal basis with man, who had. his own tasks to perform on the same basis. Most of the men’s time - was spent hunting for food and materials for cloth- ing. The women did not go hunt- ing, simply because they were the child-bearing sex. They administered the household— prepared the food, made cloth- ing from the skins the men brought home, and_ raised children. They performed some primitive agricultural tasks. They generally had the same physical strength as men. The division of labor was natural in accordance with the exist- ing mode of living. Women were honored equal- ly with men. They sat with them on tribal councils. They were specially recognized as ow woman lost her -equality producers of life, had specific rights and were regarded as the head of the family. Fam- ilies were identified by their relation to the mother and grandmother rather than to the father. Men and women mated freely, within their groups. The child would al- ways know his mother, but not necessarily his father. The first great change in this way of life came when man discovered new ways of getting his food. He learned to tame and keep animals in cap- tivity—the domestication of animals was achieved. As a consequence man no longer had to roam great distances to hunt food. At first, the herds produced were owned collectively; then, as the herds became larger than the needs of the commune required, they became the property of in- dividuals, It could be said that all woman’s troubles began the day some tribe or individual acquired a surplus of cattle, for it was the male who be- came a man of property; thus, woman became dispossessed of her equality. Man became jeal- ous of his property; he became the dominant figure. “Mother right’? gave way to “father right.” “This,” wrote Engels, “was the world historical defeat of the female sex. The man took cOmmand in the home also; the woman was degraded and reduced to a position of servi- tude.” Gert Whyte's SPOR AANY a two-buck punter thinks that if he only had a few thousand dollars in his jeans he’d be able to beat the races. Fact is, his percentage of wins and losses would re- main the same. Last Friday a patron of horseflesh took a few C-notes to Hastings and set the tote board working like mad as he bet his choices to the tune of a thousand bucks a race. Let’s see how he made out. In the scecond race he put $1,000 on Glen Laddie to place. The two-year-old came up in the stretch to be third. One grand down. In the third he gambled an- other $1,000 to place on Etta- croft, who finished second and paid $2.40. Our brave punter collected $1,200, and was now $800 down. In the fourth he baciced Am- can Cathy with another $1,000. The filly shot to the front at the break, was second to Ur- Mia coming into the stretch, then faded and finished fifth in a six-horse field. Our gam- boleer was now down $1,800. His luck changed in the fifth, when he put $2,000 on Noble Choice, half to win and half to place. The horse ran second to Abcan until he hit the stretch, then took over to win easily by two lengths. Win price of $4.70 returned $2,350 and place price of $2.80 added another $1,400, for a total of $3,750. “Our punter was now $50 down, having bet $5,000 and collected $4,950. . In the sixth he liked Beau Sierra, and bet another grand, His choice came in third, and he was down $1.050. The five-year-old gelding Bay Toe attracted our hero in the seventh, and he wagered $500 to win, $300 to place and $200 to show. Bay Toe was taken off the pace for five eighths, then passed his six competitors as if they were standing still and breezed home in front by four lengths, paying $6.20, $3.20 and $2.50. Our TLIGHT eager beaver collected $1,550, $480 and $250. Total wagers, $7,000. Total collected, $7,230. Finding him- self $230 ahead, our big time spender decided to duck the unpredictable eighth, and scoot for home. te ae As the racing season enters its final stage, a few tips for the $2 punters may be in order. First, there is no system for beating the races. The rake- off (more than 20 per cent in B.C.) ensures that in the long run the races will beat you. (one who plays favorites con- sistently) remember that over a period of time favorites win about 35 percent of all races, and pay off at the rate of 3-2. In 55 percent of all races the favorite runs first or second, and returns 3 to 4 on the in- vestment. In 70 out of 100 races, the favorite collects show money at 2 to 5. No way to win playing fav- orites, then. But you can im- prove your chances by only playing favorites which have run in the money last time out, and have raced within 10 days. Also, favorites in juven- ile (two-year old) events win seven percent oftener than among older horses. Playing ‘‘post positions’ is another good way to go broke. At Hastings, however, the in- side positions are of some val- ue in the sprints. But playing the No. 1 position is sure sui- cide. Second choices win 20 pers cent of the time and average $8.50. To make a profit they would have to average $10. This ‘system is called ‘‘the slow road to the poorhouse.”’ An outsider finishes in the money in 83 percent of all -races. If you can spot the right outsiders, you’re in clover. AnyOne having a foolproof system, give me a ring, please. Castle Jewelers 590 WEST GEORGIA Vancouver, B.C. PHONE MU 5-5014 Watchmaker & Jewelers Special Dis- count to all Tribune Rea- ders. Bring this ad with. you. If you are a chalk player . August 28, 1959—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 7