= ccc Sg at py ty ae Federal-provincial conference scoreboard: NO HITS, NO RUNS | By NELSON CLARKE Those who read my article be- fore the Constitutional Confer- ence will remember that I put down a sort of check list or score card by which the results of the conference could be judg- a...” Now the inning is over, and it was no hits, no runs — and if- one is to believe the Prime Min- isters — no errors. @ We are no nearer to agree- ment than before on the terms of a new constitution. e No one, except as usual Quebec, showed any sign of re-- cognizing the existence in Cana- da of two nations. © There was talk about redi- vision of powers, but always as between ten provinces, and not between two nations. e Guarantees of language rights to the minorities is fur- ther away than ever. @ The idea of entrenching a Bill of Rights in the constitu- tion is bogged down in disagree- ment. , @ The jungle of federal-pro- vincial financial relations in Eng- lish Canada is as thick as ever. Everything has gone back to committees of civil servants to oe buried from public view while all the time the crisis of confe- deration deepens. The first blow was struck be- ‘ore the conference opened when the prairie provinces threatened ‘o challenge in the courts even the right of the federal govern- nent to speak in French to French minorities in the west. But then it quickly became evident that the Union Nationale Propose tax reform The Metro Toronto Tax Re- form Council in an open letter to Minister of Finance E. J. Ben- son, said it “is concerned with the rapidly advancing cost of living, the increased unemploy- ment and the larger tax levies imposed by your government. It is the opinion of the Metro Tor- onto Tax Reform Council that this reduction in the living stan- dard of the Canadian people is unnecessary in view of the in- creased gross national product and rising productivity in Can- ada.” At a later date, they add, the Metro Toronto Tax Reform Council intends to place before the Minister in some detail its dosition regarding tax reforms, »specially its supporting views of the Carter Report. Briefly, the organization advo- cates: e@ Taxation based upon the ability to pay. e@ That corporations pay their fair share to the treasury. e Increase the revenue with a capital gains tax. e@ Reduce the level of military spending. OACIFIC TRIBUNE—FEBRUARY 21, 1969*—Page 8 iS VnAUAGI4—-IAUAT Dae ¥SQ9 1 —-VOV, government of Quebec is almost equally uninterested in the ques- tion of language rights for the French minorities outside. This is not surprising when we re- member that at least some mem: bers of that government are more than willing to cut down the language rights of the Eng- lish minority in Quebec. The truth is, of course, that while the guaranteeing to the French minorities outside Que- bec of the same rights to the use of their language as that enjoyed by the English minority within Quebec would be an important democratic reform, it is not the fundamental issue. Jean Jacques Bertrand put matters with some clarity, and certainly spoke for the people of Quebec when he said: “The important thing for French Canadians from Quebec is not be allowed, as individuals, to speak their mother tongue even in areas of the country where it has little chance of being understood; what they want is the opportunity to live ’ together in French, to work in French, to build a society in their image and to be able to organize their community life so that it will reflect their culture.” It is this that Pierre Elliot Tru- deau denies with all the con- tempt and arrogance of that up- per crust Montreal elite into which he was born, and which has always felt “at home” in English Canada. The French Canadian people know his like very well. They have a word for him. It is “vendu’’ — one who has sold out. It is this that will one day bring Trudeau down and all his charisma, his kisses, his cute little shrugs, and his:smooth talk will never,save him. Even this time it was easy for the provincial premiers — all ten of them — to move in to sweep the language issue aside in the demand for more money out of Ottawa. Of course, the provinces need more money — as do the muni- cipalities even more so. But this crew of premiers are not motivated by concern for the needs of the people. That came through clear with John Robarts in his brutally reactionary attack on medicare. The point that continually gets buried in this side of the con- troversy is that Quebec as the home land of a nation has the right to the full control over its own revenues, its own economy. But to give that same right to each of the nine English Can- adian provinces would only make it harder to properly tax the great corporations of English Ca- nada in a centralized way, so that money could be diverted from profits to education, health and social services. Actually the net result of in- creasing political power becom- ing concentrated in the hands of the provinces will be to make it easier for the great monopo- lies to divide and rule over the Canadian people. But this trend will never be L494 SION reversed, as long as the sover- eign rights of the French Cana- dian nation in Quebec are de- nied. Thus the politicians maneu- vre to keep their bosses’ profits safe, while the Canadian dream of two nations living freely in equality in one country fades away. There is nothing that can halt this drift but the firm de- termination of the labor and pro- gressive movement to take the future of Canada into its own hands. Quebec: Violence highlights underlying problems By MEL DOIG The democratic forces of Que- bec, the great masses of the working people, and with them the students and intellectuals, are to-day endangered by hard- ening attacks of the establish- ment. Certain actions, charac- terised by political irresponsibil- ity and sometimes by anarchy and terrorism are _ regretably providing the Establishment with an excuse for this. The ultra-reactionary, clerico- nationalist Christian Nationalist Party (the Parti nationaliste chrétien), whose claim last year of a membership of 150,000 no- one has publicly disputed, early this month demanded that every Quebecker be required to carry a civil identity card. Coming from this fascist-like, anti-semi- tic and racist party, successor to the fascist Adrien Arcand’s party, this demand evoked no surprise. Since then, the events at Sir George Williams Univer- sity and the Montreal Stock Exchange have occurred. The highly-touted “liberalism” of the directors of Sir George Williams’ University might have led them to denounce such a demand when it was made. In- stead, they themselves have now instituted the following rule: “The University has the right to demand presentation of ID cards on entry to its buildings and at any time within the building, and it may require anyone un- able to identify himself as a member of the university to leave the buildings.” So much for Sir George Williams Univer- sity as an example of the ‘“uni- versité libre.” The bombing of the sacrosanct temple of Canadian finance, the _Montreal and Canadian Stock Exchange, an act of terrorism that in no way served the inter- ests of Quebec’s workers and other democratic forces, has re- sulted in increasing dangers in Quebec of a police state. Police have now been given the right to “stop and search” without war- rant anyone and everyone carry- ing a parcel that looks suspic- ious to them. . On the Federal scale, such confirmed reactionaries as Gil- bert Rondeau, Créditiste member from Shefford, Robert Thomp- son, former Socred leader and Conservative member for Red Deer, and that arch anti-com- munist John Diefenbaker, are demanding review of the devel- oping Canadian policy of recog- nition of the People’s Republic of China on the grounds that Maoists were among those who sacked the computer center of Sir George Williams University. Through all this, monopoly mercilessly continues to grind the working people in the mills of unemployment. Quebec, with 28 percent of Canada’s working force, now accounts for 40 per- cent of all Canada’s unemployed. One out of 12 Quebec workers is now out of work. Among the students resorting to violence at Sir George Wil- liams University were those who reacted in desperation to the directors’ manipulations and de- lays which deliberately avoided democratic settlement of the student charges of racism. Cer- tain other students took advan- tage of this desperation to at- tempt to destroy the university as a step towards the destruction of the present system as a whete. This anarchism has had the immediate effect of separat- ing large numbers of students from the just, democratic strug- gle against racism at Sir George. Related to this is the previous- ly announced intention of the “6litist” leadership of the Gen- eral Association of Students of the Université de Montréal to recommend the dissolution of that student union. They have attempted to justify this propo- sition, for decision at a confer- ence later this month, on the grounds of their estimate that only 10 percent of the students are interested in actions to Jang -~ ~~ Exchange after bombing. Floor of the Montreal Stock change society. Opposition to his defeatist line is now develop- ing by students determined to preserve their union so that the University of Montreal students can participate in the struggle for a democratic identifying themselves with the trade union movement and other university democratic movements of the people of Quebec. To-day’s trade-union move- . ment of Quebec is itself, how- ever, hamstrung through the lack of a mass labor political party. This lack tends to throw the workers in the political arms © either of the parties of the right © or of groups of political desper- ation. It is from within the Quebec organised labor movement, from its leadership, that forces have long been working to block, to frustrate efforts to advance to the establishment of such a poli- tical party which alone can pro- vide the democratic alternative to the forces of reaction and to elements of political irresponsi- bility. Instead, opposition to such 4 party has taken the forms of the “non-partisan political ac: tion” line of Henri Gagnon of — the Montreal Labor Council and the Quebec Federation of Labor; and of the outright opposition to support of any political party by the Confederation of National Trade Unions. This last finds its anarcho-syndicalist expression in the position of Michel Chartrand, president of the Montreal Cen- tral Council of the CNTU, for whom politics is created only “in the streets,” and a political party of the workers, in his phrase, “is nothing but crap.” But pressure from the rank- and-file for a mass labor polit cal party in Quebec persists. This month, the Montreal Labor Council (QFL) ‘and the Montreal Central Council of the CNTU are to “engage in discussions about future political action. Continued, unremitting pressuré from the members may persuade the present leaders of Quebec's © organised labor movement of the urgent necessity to unite with progressive, democratic forces the left to create a party that will provide the democratic am swer to the combined dangers from the forces of the right and 4 from adventurism and anal chism.