Po | | J LL Freed Salvation Army commissioner tells story - By LEON GRIFFITHS LONDON A Salvation Army commission- er just back from nearly three years internment in North Korea declared last week that bombing will not defeat the people of Korea. Looking suntanned and healthy, he stood in a classroom at the William Booth Training College in South London and told a press conference: “Frankly it is a waste of time and material to go on bombing Korea. Schools, houses, hospitals and factories are gone — but the people just carry on.” Without emotion, without a trace of bitterness in his voice Commissioner Herbert Arthur Lord, who has lived 43 of his 63 years in the Far East, told of his life in North Korea internment camps. “Let us be very fair,’ he said, “the men and women in positions of authority in Korea. are not bandits or ililterate pigs. Rightly or wrongly they believe they have the right thing. Emphatically he added: “And bombing won‘’t change them. The people have achieved a ‘All North Korea flat--people carry ont technique of living and carrying on.” On several occasions he paused. to tell his audience that any hard- ships suffered were not deliber- ately inflicted. “T am not partial to North Korea, but I want to give you a balanced picture,” he said. His story began on June 28, 1950, the day on which North Kor- ean troops entered Seoul. With other British civilians the com- missioner was interned. “We suffered no intérference, no searches, no indignity of any kind other than losing our lib- erty,” he said yesterday. A few days later the North Korean authorities told them they would be moving from Seoul to escape the bombing from United Nations aircraft. They were driven to Pyongyang. “And,” said the commissioner, “were treated beautifully. They put us into quite a nice office. We were given a blanket and a very fine meal of soup, meat and. pickles.” Soap, towels and toothbrushes were distributed, and then they moved on to a school just north- east of the capital. ‘In September, the civilian in- ternees — numbering about 60 — were put on a train with about 700 U.S. soldiers to journey to another camp. On the way they stopped af a village. “Two American planes came over and strafed the train we were travelling on,” the com- missioner continued. “Had we been on the train many of us would have been killed.” ‘ Eventually they reached their destination—a camp where they were told they would be free from bombing. The commissioner, who speaks the Korean langauge fluently, said that on October 9 they were told to move again. On the road they began to see the signs of the Korean retreat, so the internees employed delay- ing tactics hoping that the United Nations forces would’ reach them. At the Yalu River they saw their ‘first Chinese troops “be- having in a perfectly disciplined ‘and organized manner. They were coming along in a way we of the West never knew they could be organized.” Then with the warning “I don’t want this overdone if you don’t mind,” Commissioner Lord spoke of the march made by the prison- ers as the U.S. forces threw the Koreans back. “It was at the time of the re- treat and the most disorganized period of: the Korean economy. They were at sixes and sevens. “When we were asked to write a resume of our experience in Pyongyang we did complain about the tyranny of the man in charge of the march. “But I don’t believe the Korean government was behind it,” he add- ed. On the march the section com- manders were: warned that they would be punished “with the ut- most rigor of military law” if anybody fell out on the way. On the first day 13 or 14 men did fall out. The officer in charge —nicknamed “The Tiger’—called for the section commanders and asked them if they had understood his orders. : They said they had and “Th Tiger” told them that the “ut- most rigor of military law” meant execution. Commissioner Lord told how he had pleaded with the officer ‘and eventually the men “were more or less let off’.’ Policies of racial domination given green light . By DESMOND BUCKLE On two occasions last month the imperialists of southern Africa were given a-«green light to go ahead with their policies and prac- tices of racial domination. The first was the Southern African Federation. : The other the outcome of the recent election in the Union of South Africa. In both cases the African and other non-white peoples, who con- stitute the vast majority of the population, played .a negligible part. : In Southern Rhodesia only some 400 Africans out of a population of nearly two million were quali- fied to vote. But.more than 49,- 000 Europeans out of a total of 136,000 had the vote. i : Because 62.95 percent of; t total votes cast by this electorate favored the scheme, the imperi- alist federation juggernaut will now be driven roughshod over ‘Central Africa. For the legisla- tive councils of the other two ter- ritories involved, Northern Rhod- sia and Nyasaland, will quickly endorse this decision. - Here again the voice of over four million Africans will scarcely be heard, for there are only two Africans, both nominated by the ‘governor, in each of these coun- ; * * x In the Union of South Africa the Malanazis have been returned to power with a mandate to con- tinue their hateful racial oppres- electorate of 1,500,000 were the 48,000 colored voters of Cape _ Province. _ If Malan had had his way they would have played the part of spectators alongside the 8,500,000 Africans and the 350,000 Indians. _ Indeed, these colored voters have - perhaps cast their last votes under _ the Nationalists on a common roll with the whites. : . Malan’s victory and the ig- nominious defeat of the United party demonstrates once again that fo play ball with fascism is’ cannot claim to oppose fascism » Rhodesian referndum on Central sion. The only non-“whites” in an, to play the fascists’ game. One ~ Voice of Africans ignored b y imperialists ~ and yet talk the language of the fascists. ; The Nationalists campaigned on apartheid (racial segregation) and on their mission to “save ‘white’ South Africa.’ So the United party pleaded for white leadership! to be secured through the unity of the “whites.” Their leader, J. G. Strauss, re- peatedly explained that his party approved specifically residential, and social segregation. He made the meaningless claim that they stood for the maintenance of the Africans’ “existing political rights” and for “full economic coopera- tion” with them. Now the Africans’ “political rights” consist of voting separate- ly every five years to elect three European representatives to the 159-seat House of Assembly. Noth- ing much to maintain here. ~ And as~for cooperating with Africans, there surely exists ho “white” South African who be- lieves that his own future and wellbeing rest on something less than full economic cooperation between the inhabitants of South Africa. Even the Nationalists long. ago realised that economic apar- theid will never work. The United party afraid of democracy in South Africa as are the Nationalists. It has been just as scared by the non-Européans’ Defiance of Un- just Laws campaign. * * x; It was this campaign, non violent though it has been, that gave the Nationalists the. pretext to raise the ery of “the ‘whites’ are in danger” and to make the false assertion that there was a Mau Mau in South Africa. Just before dissolution of the last parliament, the Nationalist government, with the full ac- quaintance of the United party, passed two acts which arm future governments with dictatorial pow- is just as ers. Under the Public Safety Act the government can declare a state of emergency at any time and legis- late by proclamation. And the Criminal Law Amendment Act provides heavy prison sentences, fines and whippings for actions iT An African miner stands by the concrete bunker on which he has to sleep. taken in protest against any law, or in support of any campaign for the repeal or modification of any law. : * Those who are adjudged to have “incited” such actions will receive almost double the penalty inflicted on those who carry them out. Despite the similarity of outlook on racial issues between the Na- tionalists and the United party for the latter would have been less objectionable to the voteless millions of non-Europeans. The struggle for a free and democratic South Africa in which the rights of all its peoples, what- ever their race or color, are guar- anteed cannot advance while the more viciously reactionary Nation- alist party remains in power. “If the Nationalists remain in power,” said Dr. Yusuf Dadoo, leader of the South African In- dians, just before the elections, | “we face the grim reality of all the horrors and tyranny of a Broederbond (Nationalist Afri- kaans-speaking) police state. The night of Hitler’s terror will descend upon the country.” With the Nationalists returned to power, the situation is grim for the majority of South Africans— and not only the non-white” peo- ple. © t Fortunately, there are many “whites” who are not so blinded by hatred for the non-“whites” as | to ignore the danger’to themselves. At the end of last year some of these progressive people formed. the South African People’s Con- gress. The congress differs from all other “white” organisations in that it advocates equal civil lib- erties and the establishment of a common South African citizen- ship for all the Union’s 12,500,000 inhabitants. Despite the poltroonery of the United party leaders, there are within its ranks and in the ranks of its allied organisation, the Torch Commando, in the trade unions, the labor party and the churches, white democrats — Afrikaans and English-speaking — who will seek action against fascism through the new con- gress. Only in unity with the non-European congresses will it be possible to save civilisation in South Africa. | another camp—this time a farm PACIFIC TRIBUNE — MAY 8, 1953 — PAGE ? During, and for a short period after the march, the treatment was harsh, but the food good, consid ering the conditions. “it was better than the Ko- reans themselves and often bet- ter than what the guards re ceived,” he continued. i * * * ; Then, after March 1951, th worst part was over and conditions — began to improve. The commissioner made_ it clear that the behavior-of “The Tiger” was an isolated incident. He was succeeded by a comman: — dant. of the same rank—major — whom everybedy respected and liked. Soon they were moved to yet house. Here they were allow to roam the surrounding hills at will, as long as they were still 10 sight of the house. i “That was heaven,” said the stocky little man. “Bishop Coope! and I would go off to a larch copse and there we would reae our prayer books, sleep or medi tate. é In October 1951 they moved 0 — Oo-Chang, where they lived 12 ~ Korean houses and came under what the commissioner describe as the Chinese commissariat. “There were three guards for 37 of us, but they had no fire arms whatsoever. There was nO compulsion, no force and we ha the freedom to roam over the hillside. We did our own cook: ing and made our food how W& liked.” ; The treatment he described went on until March 20 of this yeat— for 16 months—when they wet® moved to Pyongyang on the lap of the journey home. Sadly he spoke of the destruc tion of the North Korean capita “Pyongyang doesn’t exist. Fa tories, churches and schools at flat.” ae He pointed to a table in front of him in the quiet Salvation Army schoolroom—"It is the top of that table,” he said, “iust flat. That is the whole of North Korea.” a Asked to give more details of the prisoners’ forced march : ing the Korean retreat the co missioner said. there had been © beating. “We have suffered no beat ing whatsover. The hardships were not deliberately inflicte® The worst things that happene _were due to confusion. We Ss¥™ fered as a result of disorganiz@ tion and confusion.” Were any attempts made ay “indoctrinate” them? The com missioner recalled that during the early period of their captivity lec tures were given to U.S. POW’: — There was no attempt to fore? — us to change our opinions,” he added. : ‘Of religious life during the” internment he said: “Bishop COOP er held services every Sut ay morning. les I used to read the sons.” * * * a Almost as a postscript to th : story of their life in internme” came the commissioner’s descr tion of the journey home throug? — China and the Soviet Union. — af “1 cannot speak too highly ° the courtesy and friendlines* the hospitality and gentleman!™ ness of all the Russians we ¢4 in contact with,” he said. to : They had expected guards ys accompany them all the way, ao Moscow. Instead, at the oF ee Soviet border an Intourist reP ait sentative handed them their ie : tickets and other documents in cluding a credit not allowing we to spend 60 roubles a day 0? ow - journey—and said: “You are free men.” -