| Tribune Combined Services

| News media in Poland as well
as the Soviet Communist Party
daily Pravda have charged that
US. intelligence agencies were
deeply involved in the events in
Poland leading up to the Dec. 13
declaration of martial law — and
continue to play a strategic role in
Polish developments.

_ In an article published Dec. 25
and subsequently distributed by
TASS, Pravda correspondent
Vladimir Bolshakov stated that
the “‘secret services” of the U.S.
and NATO countries had ‘‘ex-
erted ideological pressure on
Poland by supporting a controll-
ed crisis and through material and
moral aid to opposition group-
ings inside Poland.”’

And since Dec. 13, the U.S. has
maintained not only a political in-
terest but also a strategic interest,
he said.

The White House announced

_| Dec. 13 the setting up of a work-

ing group on Poland (reported to
have been functioning for a long
time already) . . . headed by a
high-ranking official of the state
department, John D. Scanlan.”’

' According to the 1968 study
Who’s Who in the CIA published
by German researcher Julious
Mader, the Polish and Russian-
speaking Scanlan has been on the
staff of both the state department
and the CIA since 1956,
Bolshakov said.

Another high-level study group
| on Poland was also announced by
| Reagan Dec. 16, this time headed
by vice-president George Bush
and including secretary of state
Alexander Haig, defence
secretary Casper Weinberger,

.| CIA director William Casey, the

chairman of the joint chiefs of
staff, General Jones, and
representatives of the national
security council.
Bolshakov’s article noted that
a directive issued by the study
group stated that its objectives
would be to outline steps the U.S.

administration could take in the
Polish crisis and the coordination
of actions by various U.S. agen-
cies to give assistance to anti-
government forces in Poland.

Virtually since the establish-
ment of the Polish People’s
Republic following WW II, the
socialist government has been a
prime target of U.S. and NATO
subversion. Much of it has been
channelled through organizations
which supported General
Anders, the former commander
of the Polish forces organized by
Britain during the war, who setup
a “government in exile’’ in Lon-
don following the establishment
of the socialist republic.

But the campaign became
acute in the latter half of the
1970s, according to Zagadnenia I
Materialy, a journal published by
the Polish United Workers Party.
The journal noted in March,
1981, ‘‘western experts drew the
conclusion that Poland stands
among the European socialist na-
tions as the most vulnerable. . .
this was also the result of
miscalculations by the PUWP
leadership in economic and social

' policy, the growing economic

dependence on the west and
neglected ideological work in the
first place among young people.”’
In 1975, the CIA set up its co-
_ordinating centre in the U.S., the
North American Centre for the
Study of Polish Problems. Less

than a year later, in 1976, the first ’

organized opposition group. was
set up inside Poland by 32
‘“‘dissidents’? — the Committee
for Workers Defence (KOR). It
later added the name Committee
for Social Self-Defence (KOS).

One of the founders of KOS-
KOR, who later became a leading
advisor in Solidarity, Jacek
Kuron, has been accused of being
aCIA agent by the former deputy
chairman of Solidarity’s Gdansk
chapter, Andrej Kolodziej.

Zygmunt Przetakiewicz, who
was sent to man the short-lived

POLAND
Papers charge U.S. ‘interference’

friends of Solidarity office in New
York and who is now Solidarity’s
representative in Canada, is alsoa
KOR member.

At the Solidarity congress in
Gdansk last September, Kuron
announced the disbanding of
KOS-KOR, indicating that its
aims could be fulfilled through
Solidarity. And in outlining the
group’s history, he noted that it
was founded by donations from
Poles both inside the country —
and abroad.

In his article in Pravda,
‘Bolshakov noted that immediate-

_ ly following the founding of KOR
in 1976, Rouald Strelecki, a
leader of the Australian Polish
People’s Committee — establish-
ed like many others around the
lworld, by supporters of General
Anders — acknowledged that
thousands of dollars has been
channelled to anti-socialist
groups through his committee.

By the time it was founded, ac-
cording to Bolshakov, KOS-
KOR already had a fund of three
- million zlotys, equivalent to some
$90,000 U.S.

Throughout the period from
1976, the intelligence agencies in-
tensified their activities. Radio
Free Europe, whose Polish
broadcasts made up 65 percent of

its air time even as early as 1952, —

increased its broadcasting into
Poland from 19 hours a day to 24
hours after August, 1980. .

In November, 1981, the chair-
man of the committee of televi-
sion and broadcasting in Poland
emphasized that the number of
stations beaming programs into
Poland from outside out-

numbered Polish radio stations —

three to one.

Much of the material was pro-
vided by KOS-KOR represen-
tatives who also produced
material for various anti-
Communist Polish journals in the
U.S., France, Britain, Israel and
elsewhere. Fees and royalties paid
to them provided an. important

means of funnelling money to
KOS-KOR and _ later the Con-,
federation of Independent Po-
land — set up in 1979 — from the
scores Of Polish committees
around the world.

In June, 1981, the Polish
ministry of the interior stated at a
press conference that there were
400 centres in various countries in
the world supporting the political
opposition in Poland.

And because of Poland’s in-
debtedness to the west, the U.S.
had a decisive economic lever in
blocking any crackdown by
Polish authorities against anti-
socialist groups.

Radio Warsaw stated last
month that one of the strings at-
tached to the receipt of western
credits by Poland was that the
authorities would not take action
against KOS-KOR and other
groups.

On Mar. 26 last year, the U.S.
Senate unanimously supported
Regan’s policy that Poland would
only receive economic assistance
if it did not ‘‘repress’’ anti-
socialist forces. With the declara-
tion of martial law, all credit was
cut off and talks on the renegotia-
tion of current debts were cancell-
ed.

Under the same cover of
“defending human rights,”’ the
U.S. demanded, again as a condi-
tion of credit, that Poland lift all
restrictions on entry into the
country of Polish emigres from
abroad. By 1978, the number of
Americans entering Poland had
reached 120,000 annually.

Significantly, some 10,000
American citizens were in Poland
in November 1981. According to
the ministry of the interior, which
sounded an alarm in May, 1981,
“visitors. to Poland included
more and more often staff
members of intelligence services
and persons cooperating with
them.”

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“Poland is facing a steep uphill
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distance we will cover,’? Trybuna
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“It will be harder,’’ the paper
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workers’ interests in relations with
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manipulations on the part of those
who are enemies of the workers.”’

The Trybuna Ludu editorial in-
dicated the consolidation by the
PUWP that has taken place since
the declaration of martial law. Pro-
duction has returned to normal
levels in most of the country, in all
industries including coal and steel
production, both initially affected
by strikes.

Meeting early in the new year, °

the Polish cabinet undertook
several measures to restore
workers’ confidence, outlining
special benefits for some two
million workers that were to take
effect Jan. 1. The benefits apply to
those performing hazardous work
or those under physical strain and
include bus and truck drivers,
teachers, miners, workers in the
chemical industry and others.

Another cabinet order reduced
the work week from 46 to 42 hours,
also effective Jan. 1.

Although some Solidarity
spokesmen have issued clandestine
calls for continued sabotage and
have urged workers to organize.
resistance ‘‘in deep conspiracy.”’
the calls have had found virtually
no response. At the same time, the
heads of two Solidarity organiza-
tions — in Poznan an Slupsk —

_ Polish gov't begins rebuilding process

have issued formal statements
repudiating Solidarity’s opposition
to the socialist government.
Zygmunt Rozwalak, chairman
of Solidarity’s regional board in
Poznan stated Dec. 17: ‘‘Iam here-
by declaring that I am breaking
with all forces acting in the trade
union organization against the le-
gitimate organis of power. I am
against. the founding of various
parties and organizations opposing
Poland’s socialist character.”’
Several other Solidarity regional
leaders, in Welkopolska, Rzeszow
and elsewhere have also repudiated
the stand taken by Solidarity. -

An NBC correspondent in War-
saw noted particularly the com-
ments of Stanislaw Zawada, one of
the founders of Solidarity, a close
friend of Lech Walesa’s and the
chairman of Solidarity at the Lenin
Steel mill in Nowa Huta.

Zawada announced his break
with Solidarity, emphasizing that
the union had become an opposi-
tion political force.

NBC itself took pains to point
out that Zawada had not just made

the statement under pressure,

noting that he had criticized
Solidarity leaders as early as April
for assuming political functions.
Zawada’s interview was widely
televised in Poland.

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PACIFIC TRIBUNE—JAN. 15, 1982—Page 11