LABOR SCENE

by Bruce Magnuson

Federal Labor Minister Bryce
Mackasey’s proposed amend-
ments to the Canada Labor
Code need a most critical exam-
ination by organized labor with
a view to some radical altera-
tions.

The trade union movement,
whose economic battles are
presently fought out in condi-
tions of rapidly growing mono-
poly control over production
and marketing at home and
abroad, cannot accept autocra-
tic, anti-democratic and openly
repressive policies aimed to
limit and to suppress funda-
mental rights and freedom of
action. But neither can it accept
the much more subtle attempts
to impose the ideology and
practice of class collaboration
aimed at integrating the work-
ing class into the system of
state monopoly capitalism and
to take over the trade unions
lock, stock and barrel.

In Canada the ruling class,
for reasons of its own, operates
and applies its power policies
within a divided constitutional
and iegal framework where the
bulk of industrial relations
come under the jurisdiction of
provincial law. As a_conse-
quence federal authority ap-
pears to be less directly involv-
ed in the main areas of class
conflict, since its jurisdiction is
limited to inter-provincial and
international operations of in-
dustry, transportation, commu-
nications and financial institu-
tions coming under the jurisdic-

tion of the Parliament of
Canada.

State intervenes
Historically, however, state

intervention in industrial rela-
tions and collective bargaining
originated at the federal level
of. government. With the de-
velopment of the scientific and
technological revolution and
structural changes in the labor
force, considering the growth
of corporate and state power
seeking to extend and intensify
capitalist exploitation, this in-
tervention can be expected to
increase.

The basic philosophy behind
the Mackasey proposals is the
attempt to perpetuate the myth
that state power is neutral and
benevolent, seeking only to play
the role of adjudicator or impar-
tial referee between labor and
capital in order to bring peace
and harmony in industrial rela-
tions.

The second myth is the plac-
ing of unions and employers as
protagonists of equal power
and against the abuse of which
the government seeks to pro-
tect both the individual and
society.

Such mythology and outright
distortion of reality is clearly
reflected in Bill C-253.

The composition, manner of
appointment and power of the
proposed new labor relations
board is of paramount concern
to the trade union movement.
The extent to which it may be
represented, if at all, or even
consulted is: not mentioned in
the bill.

Legal straitjacket

The powers of the minister,
of the board and, of arbitrators
and conciliation officers in ne-
gotiations and the settlement of
disputes are being greatly ex-
tended in the proposed bill.

The legal straitjacket sur-
rounding both the sanctity of
contracts and the right to en-

in a strike remains, , de-

spite:.any, and; all; provocations __

How free is ‘free collective bargainin

by an employer. The require-
ment that an employer give 90
days notice of any technological
change likely to affect condi-
tions or security of jobs for any
significant number of workers
is merely a token gesture that
fails to meet labor’s demand
for meaningful negotiations, in-
cluding the right to strike, over
such changes. It does not help
in situations where grievances
pile up over interpretation and
violations of collective agree-
ments.

The proposed protection of
workers who refuse to do the
work of others who are on a
legal strike leaves the matter
up to the individual and places
no meaningful obstacle in the
way of an employer determined
to break a strike.

Mass picketing, or picketing
in any form, by other than
workers actually involved
would be explicitly prohibited
in the event Mr. Mackasey’s
proposals become law. This
will outlaw solidarity actions.

Anti-union laws

Many provinces in Canada
have adopted union crippling
laws that interfere with collec-
tive bargaining and seek to re-

place the right to strike and to
picket with mandatory legal

prohibitions and compulsory
arbitration in one form or
other.

The reality of industrial rela-_

tions today in Canada, as in
many other capitalist countries,
is that the state intervenes in
the process of collective bar-
gaining by throwing its weight
on the side of the most power-

‘ful employers and against or-

ganized labor.

The overall economic situa-
tion of state monopoly capital-
ism is marked by increasing

difficulties, new problems and
worsened contradictions. This
finds its expression in growing
unemployment, rampant _infla-
tion and a perpetual crisis in
the monetary system.

To cope with these difficulties
and at the same time increase
its profits the corporate and
state power seeks to place the
cost of its crisis on the backs of
labor and working people.

This policy produces a power-
ful reaction because working
people can clearly see and be-
gin to understand a policy that
goes against their interests.

Today workers want to count
for something in their factory,
on the job and in their union.
Wherever a union fails to take
action on accumulated griev-
ances and to meet new needs,
including the basic demand that
the power of employers to
abuse workers on their jobs be
curbed, there can easily erupt
spontaneous outbursts in the
form of unofficial or ‘“‘wildcat”
strikes.

Workers must resort to such
actions when there is failure to
take into full account their real
working conditions. and to sup-
port them in their fight for

By SAM WALSH

The labor movement in Que-
bec has grown stronger and
more mature since Labor Day
1970 and is somewhat better
equipped to face the grim chal-
lenges ahead.

Of course, the major step was
taken with the establishment of
the “Common Front” between
the Quebec Federation of Labor,
the Confederation of National
Trade Unions and the Quebec
Teachers Corporation shortly
after proclamation of the War
Measures Act in October 1970.

The Common Front was of
crucial importance because, first
of all, it was a common front

“of the three central labor bod-

ies which had been going
through a very difficult period
of internecine struggle, particu-
larly in the construction indus-
try but also in various branches
of public service. Unity of the
trade union movement is a pow-
erful force in itself.

-Secondly, the Common Front
was established to oppose the
War Measures Act, this arch-
anti-democratic act which was
being used as a bludgeon to
crush the upsurge of the de-
mand for self-determination and
for equality of the French-
Canadian nation. Thus the uni-
ted trade union movement took
the initiative and the leadership
in a vast national-democratic
struggle not limited to the eco-
nomic needs of the working
class itself.

Thirdly, the Common Front
succeeded in stiffening the wob-
bly position of the petty-bour-
geois, nationalist, self-styled
“social-democratic” Parti Qué-
becois, in addition to bringing
into the struggle such promin-
ent Catholic spokesmen as
Claude Ryan, editor-in-chief of
Le Devoir and past president of
Catholic Action.

The first public declarations
of spokesmen for the Common

Front approached the necessity

iofypferming.,a mass political

I—PAGEB

party of labor in Quebec, but
some of the leaders (such as
Marcel Pepin of the CNTU)
soon backed off.

The second big test of labor
unity came when the terms of
the “Victoria Charter,” the for-
mula for amending the BNA
Act, were made public, and
Premier Bourassa came home to
test public opinion before giv-
ing Quebec’s reply.

Once again a Common Front
was formed, although the QFL
decided to make a parallel sub-
mission to the joint one of the
two other trade union centres.
But since the content of both
was practically identical, the
public understood that the or-
ganized and united working
class was again taking up the
battle of the nation against a
constitution amending formula
which would continue to deny
the constitutional existence of
the French-Canadian nation.

Now the government and
para-government employees
whose salaries in the last resort
are decided by the government
of Quebec, and whose unions
are affiliated to one of the three
centres, have formed a Common
Front. The government refuses
to bargain collectively with the
Common Front, although its
representatives have had some
meetings with it. But so far the
Common Front (presided over
by Marcel Pepin) has kept its
ranks solid.

Something similar has hap-
pened in the La Presse lockout
of five crafts. The workers be-
long to international printing
trades unions affiliated to the
QFL. But they have formed a
Common Front and so far have
refused. to bargain separately
for fear the company will play
off one against the other for
jobs while introducing vast
technological changes. What is
even more encouraging is that
the Montreal Central Council of
the CNTU has called on all its
affiliates to” support the ‘La

Presse men and the demonstra-
tions in front of the La Presse
building are taking on an _ all-
union character.

It is to be hoped that the three
centres will take up the call of
the Communist Party of Quebec
to re-form their Common Front
and strengthen it to defend the
workers of Quebec from the dis-
astrous consequences of Nixon’s
declaration of economic war. To
date none of them has echoed
the strong declarations, express-
ing the determination to fight
any wage freeze, made by the
leadership of the AFL-CIO and
of the Canadian Labor Con-
gress.

Surely the leaders of the QFL
and of the CNTU have not fall-
en for Premier Bourassa’s pre-
tense of defending the jobs of
Quebec workers. Bourassa is
certainly frightened about the
swelling numbers of unemploy-
ed in Quebec, but his “answer”
to the Nixon attack is to pro-
mise (federal) aid to industries
which depend heavily on ex-
ports to the USA, which will be
hit by Nixon’s 10% surtax.
Hence his first meeting was
with C. Bronfman of the huge
Seagram Distillery empire!

This past year has seen the
realization of the Common
Front of the trade union move-
ment on a number of very im-
portant questions for the work-
ing class and the whole people
of Quebec.

The Communist Party of Que-
bec will exert every effort to
extend and deepen the unity
achieved through so many years
of struggle to defend the eco-
nomic, political, national and
social interests of the people of
Quebec. The joint creation of a
mass political party of labor
dedicated to this cause must
eventually climb eup to the top
of the agenda if labor is to be
capable of offering a real altern-
ative to the policies of the bour-

eois parties that are bringin
Bushee to disaster! °/>'" 10CE

FOR LABOR which w

collective participation ©
sion-making process
preserving their full ¢®
nomy. !
Employers and 6
are united against lao
seek to exploit its eve
ness. While some PF?
openly _ practicing
policies, Mr. Mackasé
the more subtle appt

proach, they are tw? "
single coin. .
There are no sigh
toward tranquility th
employer relations
try. But there are &f it
pointing in the oppo
tion.

ized labor movemel
take stock on

Day, 1971, of the
pects that loom ahea™
pare for the worst !
avoid the pitfall of
prises.

Mr. Mackasey
tory proposals for
Canada Labor :
the anti-labor prov
call for a_ serious
fensive by
movement i
the kind of labo
The issue in such th
must be to expose :
ganda that labor unio
powerful” which oy
real problem—the 1°
monopoly power.

Bill of R

We need a BILE

1g unt

oS

ight’
OF
il!

e the right of
their unions to ve
the introduction of ‘hl
technological chang®
ing and closing 9
plants, and for *™
of health and safety

e the right to ae
if need be to *
changes of any kin “0
employees’ jobs % ,
during the peri ;

e there must b rig
ference with the
union to picket 1 Me
advance the collect!
of its members #”
sees fit. af!

@ no compulsory.
no coercion and H° |
or military power 46 ;
ing workers. 0

Wwe need a more
plant closures and ith
lic review boares vn tte
presentation at bot f
and provincial lev?"
pay of at least on€ ork
for every yeal “14
layoffs do take Fed
Canadian to be 45°
or an income a$ @
right; _ public ov zal!
control by nation@ "ina
required to assur ntet
and community of!
protected; expans!”
source developme”
tory industries we
Crown Corporation 4s
to abolish region4

*%

Such an apron, ide
more than collecttig
and economic tice!
for social and Nt au
based on the tf" act!
supported by the o a
of Canadians who
monopoly and
stand for peace —
social progress: thoed
the united stren& jou
ing class, coe
power. 235Lis« -