The German Communist Party (DKP), as part of the campaign against West Germany’s planned participation in the U.S. boycott, has issued this poster which reads: “Mr. Carter, Running Amok is Not an Olympic Discipline.” According to the DKP newspaper, Un- sere Zeit, which in turn reported the results of a poll conducted by the influential magazine, Stern, 80 percent of the country’s Olympic hopefuls voted to participate in the Games. Olympic Trust putting corporate arm on COA Corporate Canada, and the U.S. multinationals this term implies, have openly begun using their con- siderable clout to prevent the Cana- dian team from taking part in the Summer Olympics in Moscow. Meeting just days after the Canadian Olympic Association (COA) announced it would go to the Games and not join Carter’s boycott, the Olympic Trust’s board of directors publicly came out for. the boycott. The Olympic Trust is the COA’s principal fund-raiser with the task” of raising $1,650,000 for the Cana- dian team’s Moscow expenses. It is not legally a policy maker nor an adviser to COA, but its job, under a four-year agreement, is to raise $7.5. million for COA programs, _ including the Olympics. The Trust’s directors include the so-called cream of Canadian busi- _ ness who are used to having things their own way. Included are such giants as the chartered banks, Inco, ‘ SOLIDARITY CAFE “‘a benefit for New Horizons & Pacific Tribune’’ : Featuring: Keeton, Dean & Lane Joyce Turpie & friends ; and more Bring your friends and instruments Gourmet sandwich bar; refreshments Bsmt. Russian People’s Hall ‘< 600 Campbell Ave., Vancouver FRIDAY, APRIL 25, 7:30 p.m. — Adm. $2 ——~ _ Imperial Oil, Alcan, Dome Petrol- eum, Stelco, Noranda, the Weston group, Bell Canada, T. Eaton Co., The Bay, McCain’s, Canada Pack- ers, Molson’s. Breweries, Seagram’s, Canadian Forest Prod- ucts and Canadaire. . Personages such as John David Eaton, Douglas Bassett, president of CFTO, Bob Knox of Simpson’s- Sears, Alfred Powers of Noranda and former Ontario premier John Robarts (now an Olympic Trust governor) have all come out in the press slamming Canada’s planned attendance at the Olympics and urging full support for a boycott. The threat is explicit. Corporate Canada and the U.S. multination- als which are vocally backing Car- ter’s destructive boycott have told the athletic bodies that money is drying up. Aside from being open blackmail, the Olympic Trust’s at- tack raises a new question: why should the big corporations man- age the purse strings for Canadian Olympic teams or, for that matter, amateur sports in general? : The degree to which U.S. com- panies, whose people sit in posi- tions of power deciding the activi- ties of Canadian athletics, and in this case, Canadian foreign policy, _ have swayed the Trust’s decision is unclear from press reports. But that U.S. input is massive in this af- fair is uncontestable. The battle to keep Canada in the " Olympics is in full sway and the forces on either side are showing themselves. On one side are thema- jority of Canadians who see the Olympic movement as a positive step for understanding and friend- ship between nations. On the other, the corporate power elite, the cold war hawks, the sell-out artists who support Carter’s boycott and all it represents for regression and hatred. ee -. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—APRIL:18, 1980—Page 10 - A flawed but useful study of Canada’s notorious SS — On the eighteenth of February, Canadians — at least those from Winnipeg east — returned to the prime minister’s office a man who, — during his previous reign, presided over the worst abuses and crimin- ality ever committed by the police intelligence community in Canada. Pierre Trudeau appointed the McDonald Commission to remove those activities from public. scrut- iny and particularly to insulate the Liberal government from its in- volvement and complicity in those activities. - Because of Trudeau’s return to power, John Sawatsky’s book, Men in the Shadows: The RCMP . Security Service, is mandatory reading for all Canadians with a concern for civil liberties, the rule of law, and the preservation of freedom of speech, freedom of as- sembly, and other freedoms nor- mally thought to exist in a liberal Western democracy. Men in the Shadows presents a history of the RCMP intelligence operations from its origins as the Frontier Police in the 1860s, through the Dominion Police and the North West Mounted Police to the present. Sawatsky notes that systematic surveillance of radical organiza- tions began in the fall of 1918. The prosecution of leftists as members of an unlawful association under Section 98 of the Criminal Code is recounted. This historical back- ground makes an interesting com- parison with the no-prosecution disruption techniques adopted by. the Security Service in the late 1960s and in the 1970s. . Without comment, the author notes the change in name in 1970 of the RCMP intelligence apparatus from Security and Intelligence (S & I) to Security Service (SS). Sawatsky claims in the preface of his book that he deliberately © avoided the use of the McDonald and Keable Commission inquiries, an approach that led to. some un- fortunate errors in the book. Ex- amining the Agence de Presse Libre du Quebec (APLQ) break- in, ‘‘Operation Bricole,”” Sawatsky writes that Inspector Don Cobb, MEN IN THE SHADOWS: The RCMP Security Service. By John Sawatsky. Doubleday, 1980. 320 pp. Cloth $15. who approved the operation, asked why there was no warrant and was told that the Montreal police didn’t get one. He says Inspector Cobb did not press the matter further and gave his okay. In the APLQ break-in, the com- bined anti-terrorist squad, made up of members of the RCMP, the Montreal police and the Quebec police, cleaned out the APLQ of- fices. Sawatsky concludes: “Operation Bricole produced in the end very little advantage for the authorities. The information was effectively useless. Its origin was so obvious that the force refused to distribute it through normal chan- nels and instead relegated it to a locked filing cabinet.”’ If Sawatsky had combined his diligent investigative journalism with official sources, he would have been aware of. the telex In- spector Cobb sent regarding the break-in, a telex ultimately reveal- ed at the McDonald Commission. The telex showed that the pur- pose of Operation Bricole was to have the effect of precipitating the disintegration of two political or- ganizations. It was intended not only to steal the documents but also to plant them on some other group to cause further disruption. The police were aware that if the re- moval of the records could be trac- ed directly to the police, it would be of no strategic value and therefore abandoned the idea of a legal search with a warrant. Sawatsky does provide fascinat- ing details of some SS operations. The documents from the APLQ were transported to RCMP head- quarters in Ottawa ina truck rented by the RCMP under the name of Robert Lemieux, the FLQ lawyer. And the book examines in detail RCMP and CIA investigation of materials after the bombing of the Cuban trade mission in Montreal in 1972. : : It was perhaps beyond the scope of the book to examine the ques- tion of political responsibility and/or authorization for the illeg@! acts committed by the police. While Sawatsky makes reference 10 a February, 1971 top secret R headquarters memo setting out the disruptive tactics to be used he makes 'no reference whatsoever 10 the Liberal cabinet decision 9 — March 27, 1975, in which the diss ruption tactics of the RCMP were — authorized by the cabinet. Nol does he make reference to testh mony of former solicitor gen¢ Warren Allmand before the Mc Donald Commission in Apt 1979. . Sawatsky does make some com: ments about Trudeau’s involve ment: “Diefenbaker was unable '0 make the hard decisions requiredi) security work. Prime ministel | Pearson, when possible, avoid the files because he was a gentle: man and detested the seamy side 0 business. Pierre Trudeau prov! different. he never shirked a toug! decision. He read the files and 1& turned them with crisp instructions on what to do, which made hu popular with the force.” ‘ The source, inspiration, training and in many cases, personnel, fo! both U.S. government and Cana . dian government disruption tact came out of a secret war carried of before and during the Second World War that is described 1 great detail by William Stevenso in A Man Called Intrepid. In that book, Stevenson warned about the, — dangers of intelligence operations . in a democratic society not at wal: ‘Among the increasingly inti cate arsenals across the world, i telligence is an essential weapOls perhaps the most important. But it is, being’secret, the most danget ous. Safeguards to prevent i abuse must be devised, revised and rigidly applied.” It is only with books such as Met in the Shadows that Canadians ca! obtain the information on secrél police operations they need to dé ‘cide on the extent of such activitie: they are prepared to countenance. | : P ~—a,© Co | Canadian Tribune When Miyoko Tanaka (Mary Ellen Campbell) declares in the second act of Touchstone Theatre’s latest production, A Play Without A Name ‘‘there isn’t anything any of us can do but wait till it’s over,’ this reviewer made the mental note 1 had no choice but to wait for the mercy of the final curtain. _In the context of the play, Mi- yoko’s declaration refers to the evacuation of her family, along Canadians to prison camps in British Columbia’s interior dur- ing World War II. _ Touchstone’s stated aim. is to open our eyes to the wartime in- ternment of the Japanese-Cana- dian community ‘‘as the tragic and inevitable result of 50 years of racism in B.C.” . Few will quibble that writer/di- rector Dean Foster’s intentions are genuine, but an absurdly | melodramatic script, amateurish that, short of walking out, she’ with hundreds of other Japanese _ ‘Intentions good, but Touchstone | acting, and the indiscriminate in- clusion of histori¢al data that bears no relation to the drama itself, combine to defeat his inten- tions, and raise instead the ques- tion of whether this is a play at all. Actually, it is a kind of ‘‘staged documentary’’ but it pales in con- . trast to Touchstone’s earlier inspired piece of theatre about - B.C.’s logging history, Highball. “More serious, however, are the objections raised by the Japanese-Canadian community, specifically the Japanese Cana- dian Centennial Project and the Powell Street Revue. ; Besides forcing Touchstone to change the original title — the of- fensive word. ‘‘Jap” — they got permission to circulate a leaflet to the audience outlining their dis- agreements With the production. As they note, although the “hard facts’? of the racist policies directed against the Japanese-Ca- nadian community by the Cana- dian government from 1901 to ~ Takao (Klaus Werner) and Kenji «the racism depicted in A Play 1947 are ‘‘accurately depicted, the portrayal of Japanese society and culture at that time is not-true to life.” . The gross cultural stereotyping of the two main characters, (Natino Bellantoni) and theif wives Miyoko and Yoshiko (Janet Lichty-Cooper), was an af- front to this reviewer and con- stitutes a racial slur on the members of the Japanese-| Canadian community in Van- couver. ; / ¥ Finally, by making sure that Without A Name relates solely to the past, Touchstone’s produc- tion leaves this reviewer with little or nothing commendable.to say about it. And in fact, at press time, the play had reportedly folded, and Touchstone was in the process of moving out props from Carnegie. uy janice Harris \