The German Communist Party (DKP), as part of the campaign
against West Germany’s planned participation in the U.S. boycott,
has issued this poster which reads: “Mr. Carter, Running Amok is
Not an Olympic Discipline.” According to the DKP newspaper, Un-
sere Zeit, which in turn reported the results of a poll conducted by
the influential magazine, Stern, 80 percent of the country’s Olympic
hopefuls voted to participate in the Games.

Olympic Trust putting
corporate arm on COA

Corporate Canada, and the U.S.
multinationals this term implies,
have openly begun using their con-
siderable clout to prevent the Cana-
dian team from taking part in the
Summer Olympics in Moscow.

Meeting just days after the
Canadian Olympic Association
(COA) announced it would go to
the Games and not join Carter’s
boycott, the Olympic Trust’s board

of directors publicly came out for.

the boycott.
The Olympic Trust is the COA’s

principal fund-raiser with the task”

of raising $1,650,000 for the Cana-

dian team’s Moscow expenses. It is

not legally a policy maker nor an

adviser to COA, but its job, under

a four-year agreement, is to raise

$7.5. million for COA programs,
_ including the Olympics.

The Trust’s directors include the

so-called cream of Canadian busi- _

ness who are used to having things
their own way. Included are such
giants as the chartered banks, Inco,

‘

SOLIDARITY
CAFE

“‘a benefit for New Horizons
& Pacific Tribune’’
: Featuring:
Keeton, Dean & Lane
Joyce Turpie & friends
; and more
Bring your friends
and instruments
Gourmet sandwich bar;
refreshments
Bsmt. Russian People’s Hall
‘< 600 Campbell Ave., Vancouver
FRIDAY, APRIL 25,

7:30 p.m. — Adm. $2

——~ _

Imperial Oil, Alcan, Dome Petrol-
eum, Stelco, Noranda, the Weston
group, Bell Canada, T. Eaton Co.,
The Bay, McCain’s, Canada Pack-
ers, Molson’s. Breweries,
Seagram’s, Canadian Forest Prod-
ucts and Canadaire.
. Personages such as John David
Eaton, Douglas Bassett, president
of CFTO, Bob Knox of Simpson’s-
Sears, Alfred Powers of Noranda
and former Ontario premier John
Robarts (now an Olympic Trust
governor) have all come out in the
press slamming Canada’s planned
attendance at the Olympics and
urging full support for a boycott.
The threat is explicit. Corporate
Canada and the U.S. multination-
als which are vocally backing Car-
ter’s destructive boycott have told
the athletic bodies that money is
drying up. Aside from being open
blackmail, the Olympic Trust’s at-
tack raises a new question: why
should the big corporations man-
age the purse strings for Canadian
Olympic teams or, for that matter,
amateur sports in general? :
The degree to which U.S. com-
panies, whose people sit in posi-
tions of power deciding the activi-
ties of Canadian athletics, and in

this case, Canadian foreign policy, _

have swayed the Trust’s decision is
unclear from press reports. But

that U.S. input is massive in this af-

fair is uncontestable.
The battle to keep Canada in the

" Olympics is in full sway and the

forces on either side are showing
themselves. On one side are thema-
jority of Canadians who see the
Olympic movement as a positive
step for understanding and friend-
ship between nations. On the other,
the corporate power elite, the cold
war hawks, the sell-out artists who
support Carter’s boycott and all it
represents for regression and
hatred. ee

-. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—APRIL:18, 1980—Page 10

-

A flawed but useful study

of Canada’s notorious SS —

On the eighteenth of February,
Canadians — at least those from
Winnipeg east — returned to the

prime minister’s office a man who, —

during his previous reign, presided
over the worst abuses and crimin-
ality ever committed by the police
intelligence community in Canada.
Pierre Trudeau appointed the
McDonald Commission to remove
those activities from public. scrut-
iny and particularly to insulate the
Liberal government from its in-
volvement and complicity in those
activities. -
Because of Trudeau’s return to
power, John Sawatsky’s book,

Men in the Shadows: The RCMP .

Security Service, is mandatory
reading for all Canadians with a
concern for civil liberties, the rule
of law, and the preservation of
freedom of speech, freedom of as-
sembly, and other freedoms nor-
mally thought to exist in a liberal
Western democracy.

Men in the Shadows presents a
history of the RCMP intelligence
operations from its origins as the
Frontier Police in the 1860s,
through the Dominion Police and
the North West Mounted Police to
the present.

Sawatsky notes that systematic
surveillance of radical organiza-
tions began in the fall of 1918. The
prosecution of leftists as members
of an unlawful association under
Section 98 of the Criminal Code is
recounted. This historical back-
ground makes an interesting com-
parison with the no-prosecution
disruption techniques adopted by.
the Security Service in the late 1960s
and in the 1970s. .

Without comment, the author
notes the change in name in 1970 of
the RCMP intelligence apparatus
from Security and Intelligence (S &
I) to Security Service (SS).

Sawatsky claims in the preface

of his book that he deliberately ©

avoided the use of the McDonald
and Keable Commission inquiries,
an approach that led to. some un-
fortunate errors in the book. Ex-
amining the Agence de Presse
Libre du Quebec (APLQ) break-
in, ‘‘Operation Bricole,”” Sawatsky
writes that Inspector Don Cobb,

MEN IN THE SHADOWS: The
RCMP Security Service. By John
Sawatsky. Doubleday, 1980. 320
pp. Cloth $15.

who approved the operation, asked
why there was no warrant and was
told that the Montreal police didn’t
get one. He says Inspector Cobb
did not press the matter further and
gave his okay.

In the APLQ break-in, the com-
bined anti-terrorist squad, made up
of members of the RCMP, the
Montreal police and the Quebec
police, cleaned out the APLQ of-
fices. Sawatsky concludes:

“Operation Bricole produced in
the end very little advantage for the
authorities. The information was
effectively useless. Its origin was so
obvious that the force refused to
distribute it through normal chan-
nels and instead relegated it to a
locked filing cabinet.”’

If Sawatsky had combined his
diligent investigative journalism
with official sources, he would
have been aware of. the telex In-
spector Cobb sent regarding the
break-in, a telex ultimately reveal-
ed at the McDonald Commission.

The telex showed that the pur-
pose of Operation Bricole was to
have the effect of precipitating the

disintegration of two political or-

ganizations. It was intended not
only to steal the documents but also
to plant them on some other group
to cause further disruption. The
police were aware that if the re-
moval of the records could be trac-
ed directly to the police, it would be
of no strategic value and therefore
abandoned the idea of a legal
search with a warrant.

Sawatsky does provide fascinat-
ing details of some SS operations.
The documents from the APLQ
were transported to RCMP head-
quarters in Ottawa ina truck rented
by the RCMP under the name of
Robert Lemieux, the FLQ lawyer.

And the book examines in detail

RCMP and CIA investigation of
materials after the bombing of the
Cuban trade mission in Montreal
in 1972. : :

It was perhaps beyond the scope
of the book to examine the ques-

tion of political responsibility
and/or authorization for the illeg@!
acts committed by the police.
While Sawatsky makes reference 10
a February, 1971 top secret R
headquarters memo setting out the
disruptive tactics to be used he
makes 'no reference whatsoever 10
the Liberal cabinet decision 9 —
March 27, 1975, in which the diss
ruption tactics of the RCMP were —
authorized by the cabinet. Nol
does he make reference to testh
mony of former solicitor gen¢
Warren Allmand before the Mc
Donald Commission in Apt
1979. .

Sawatsky does make some com:
ments about Trudeau’s involve
ment:

“Diefenbaker was unable '0
make the hard decisions requiredi)
security work. Prime ministel |
Pearson, when possible, avoid
the files because he was a gentle:
man and detested the seamy side 0
business. Pierre Trudeau prov!
different. he never shirked a toug!
decision. He read the files and 1&
turned them with crisp instructions
on what to do, which made hu
popular with the force.” ‘

The source, inspiration, training

and in many cases, personnel, fo!
both U.S. government and Cana .
dian government disruption tact
came out of a secret war carried of
before and during the Second
World War that is described 1
great detail by William Stevenso
in A Man Called Intrepid. In that
book, Stevenson warned about the, —
dangers of intelligence operations .
in a democratic society not at wal:

‘Among the increasingly inti
cate arsenals across the world, i
telligence is an essential weapOls
perhaps the most important. But it
is, being’secret, the most danget
ous. Safeguards to prevent i
abuse must be devised, revised and
rigidly applied.”

It is only with books such as Met
in the Shadows that Canadians ca!
obtain the information on secrél
police operations they need to dé

‘cide on the extent of such activitie:
they are prepared to countenance. |
: P

~—a,© Co |
Canadian Tribune

When Miyoko Tanaka (Mary
Ellen Campbell) declares in the
second act of Touchstone
Theatre’s latest production, A
Play Without A Name ‘‘there
isn’t anything any of us can do
but wait till it’s over,’ this
reviewer made the mental note

1 had no choice but to wait for the
mercy of the final curtain.

_In the context of the play, Mi-
yoko’s declaration refers to the
evacuation of her family, along

Canadians to prison camps in
British Columbia’s interior dur-
ing World War II. _

Touchstone’s stated aim. is to
open our eyes to the wartime in-
ternment of the Japanese-Cana-
dian community ‘‘as the tragic
and inevitable result of 50 years of
racism in B.C.” .

Few will quibble that writer/di-
rector Dean Foster’s intentions
are genuine, but an absurdly

| melodramatic script, amateurish

that, short of walking out, she’

with hundreds of other Japanese _

‘Intentions good, but Touchstone |

acting, and the indiscriminate in-
clusion of histori¢al data that
bears no relation to the drama
itself, combine to defeat his inten-
tions, and raise instead the ques-
tion of whether this is a play at all.

Actually, it is a kind of ‘‘staged

documentary’’ but it pales in con- .

trast to Touchstone’s earlier

inspired piece of theatre about -

B.C.’s logging history, Highball.
“More serious, however, are the
objections raised by the
Japanese-Canadian community,
specifically the Japanese Cana-
dian Centennial Project and the
Powell Street Revue. ;
Besides forcing Touchstone to
change the original title — the of-
fensive word. ‘‘Jap” — they got
permission to circulate a leaflet to
the audience outlining their dis-
agreements With the production.
As they note, although the
“hard facts’? of the racist policies
directed against the Japanese-Ca-
nadian community by the Cana-
dian government from 1901 to

~ Takao (Klaus Werner) and Kenji

«the racism depicted in A Play

1947 are ‘‘accurately depicted,
the portrayal of Japanese society
and culture at that time is not-true
to life.” .

The gross cultural stereotyping
of the two main characters,

(Natino Bellantoni) and theif
wives Miyoko and Yoshiko
(Janet Lichty-Cooper), was an af-
front to this reviewer and con-
stitutes a racial slur on the
members of the Japanese-|
Canadian community in Van-
couver. ;
/ ¥

Finally, by making sure that

Without A Name relates solely to
the past, Touchstone’s produc-
tion leaves this reviewer with little
or nothing commendable.to say
about it.

And in fact, at press time, the
play had reportedly folded, and
Touchstone was in the process of
moving out props from Carnegie.

uy

janice Harris

\