}

By HAL GRIFFIN

“overty will come before aluminum
unless gov't alters trade policies

—VICTORIA, B.C.

Now that the provincial election is over and the

4

y

et azzling aura of propaganda surrounding the Coali-
| Pon's plans for industrial development is fading, the
8 Teal outline of Premier Byron Johnson’s aluminum deal
a becoming visible. And it looks considerably different
mn this cold post-election light.

There are many reasons why working people did
vote for the CCF in June. One of the reasons so
spay of them did vote for the Coalition was the care-
lly fostered belief that the government would embark
lmmediately on a program of industrial development to
Provide more jobs for an expanding working population
Ma period of shrinking world markets for British Co-
- Mmbia’s products.

: Not

Heading the: imposing (on paper) list of projects
Was the proposal of the Aluminum Company of Canada
me ‘Undertake a huge hydro-electric development at the
head of the Nechako River, south of Prince Rupert.
_.)8 Project was blatantly exploited by the Coalition,
with Alcan’s open support, to create the impression that
~ 82 aluminum industry would be established in the pro-

and there is no doubt that this

consideration did sway
Many voters.

: va Many people had the idea that construction work
80 the ‘new ‘hydro-electric development would be started
~ 'Mmediately and that within a matter of months there
ONGuIa be thousands of new jobs for workers whose
Prospects of steady employment in other industries were

Rone too bright.

a. Bust how widespread this idea was is now demon-
strated by the letters being received at Victoria from
"appers and others in the Nechako area who are afraid
they will be flooded out before they have a chance to
/ Ve to other areas. In reassuring these few residents
that they have no immediate cause for alarm, McNeely
Dubose, vice-president of the Aluminum Company of
Canada, states that it will be six years before the 250
| tare mile area is flooded. And it will be “‘at least a
dear" ‘before the company makes any definite decision

© actual site.

_ The length of time before Alcan actually com-
Menced Construction work on its project was one factor

the public was not encouraged to consider by Coalition ©
; de wands weaving their bright promises of new in-_

pa stties and new jobs during the election campaign.

SS

“88 industries, Coalition propagandists shrewdly—and
— Hously-_used this feeling of insecurity to win votes

°F a government whose Marshall-planned trade policies.

nly produce insecurity and unemployment.

Another, and perhaps the decisive factor, the gov-

vat preferred to thrust into the background, out of
Public view, was the state of export markets, upon which
ae industry will be dependent and which could
—"@ to indefinite delays in establishing it on the Coast.

The Vancouver News-Herald, in an editorial en-
soning “a great new industry, and a new city of

30,009
Can’
1

in this province,” ‘quotes approvingly from Al-

mneet the strong world demand which was called forth
_~ “Combination of factors...” But the same report

ce only if the Coalition government were returned,

owing the fear of unemployment that haunts the -
lority of workers in British Columbia's export-sensitive

mediate issue is jobs—and:
- Provinces export markets determine jobs. The indefinite

S annual report: ‘‘Despite the high level of activity :
* 1948, the supply of aluminum was not sufficient to

reveals that “aluminum ingot shipments from Canada
were consigned to 37 countries.” In other words, Cana-
dian aluminum, now produced at the huge Arvida plant
in Quebec, must compete in and depend to a great ex-
tent upon export markets. :

McNeely Dubose himself, estimating at 25,000 to
50,000 the number of workers now employed in sec-
ondary industries using Canadian-produced aluminum.
points out that the small home market limits the number
of people who could be employed in such secondary in-
dustries here. But, he adds hopefully, “British Colum-
bians with their vast raw material resources are very
export-minded. They will probably take the same at-
titude with aluminum products and will ship them around
tht world.” To which should be added “—if they can.”

For what is the prospect for establishing the new
industry as the economic crisis convulses the U.S. econ-
omy and Wall Street seeks to transfer the burden of
that crisis to Canada and the other countries it has in-
volved in the collapsing Marshall plan? The political
restrictions of the Marshall plan deny almost half the
world’s markets, the Soviet Union, the New Democracies
of Europe, China and Viet Nam, to Canadian industry
—precisely the countries most in need of the goods
Canada can supply. American industrialists, using the
Marshall plan to attain their ends, are grabbing an ever

larger share of the remaining “‘politically acceptable”
market. And aluminum is one of the first Canadian:

products to be hit by Britain’s recent trade curtailment.

Where it suits their purpose, American monopolists
will operate their plants in the U.S. and curtail the
operations of their subsidiaries in Canada and else-
where. Conversely, where their foreign subsidiaries can
produce cheaper and it otherwise serves their purpose,
they will close down their American plants. Monopoly
knows no loyalty—to the people or to the governments
it helps to create. With the shadow of the economic crisis
already heavy upon its international empire, how far
will the: giant Aluminum Company of America go in
helping the Coalition government to fulfil its election
promises? And what of the people who believed those
promises, thousands of whom face layoffs,
anent unemployment, this winter?

In the legislature last spring, the debate centered
around the Coalition’s intention to hand over to Alcan
vast industrial water rights. The Coalition, of course, was
against placing any restrictions on “‘free enterprise,”’ even
if it meant giving away the people’s natural resources.
The CCF proposed that “over a period of time, based
upon the quantity of metal produced, the ownership of

power plants would revert to the crown on an honest

compensation basis, with a full guarantee to the investing

companies of their requirements of electric power.”
That is a basic issue, but the overshadowing im-

in Bnitish Columbia of all

prospect of a new aluminum industry has been used long
enough by the Coalition to obscure the fact that thous-
ands of jobs in our far more vital woodworking, fishing,
mining and fruit-growing industries are now in jeopardy
because it refuses to act on barter trade with Britain

and other countries and relies instead on the St. Laurent»

government's quixotic hope of increasing Canadian ex-

ports to a shrinking U.S. market.

During the election campaign, Attorney General
Gordon Wismer dramatically, if falsely, posed the issue
as being between “aluminum or poverty.”” Unless British
Columbians, whose pay cheques. depend upon it, can
force the government to reverse its trade policies, the
poverty is likely to come long before the aluminum.

perhaps perm- -

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 7

A program for
Canadian labor

protect the standards of the organized, they go all-out to
smash existing unions.

Instead of a working-class position towards imperial-
ist war, they accept the position of Drew and St. Laurent.

The labor fifth column is bound to go from bad to
worse, to become more dependent upon big business.
That will force them to become more bossy, more destruc-
tive of the democratic union process. All this will be
at the expense of the worker’s job, income and security.

That's what happened before and during the first half
of the crisis in the thirties. But Canadian workers don’t
have to repeat that ordeal. - It is up to you and thousands
like y@i, rank-and-file unionists, to take matters into
your own hands.

The Canadian union movement is neither quantitat-
ively nor qualitatively what it was in the thirties. Nor is
the world situation. Canadian workers did go through
the pre-war crisis, have learned lessons from the be-
havior of the ruling class, its governments and union
burocrats. They also have not forgotten the high hopes
of the anti-fascist war for a new world and the promises
made by government.

Hundreds of thousands went through tgrrific battles
to win the right to join unions. Despite anti-Communist
hysteria, most unionists are not sold on ‘the “way of life”
of Wall Street, Bay Street or St. James Street. Under-
neath the confusion lies strong working-class awareness

_that the Soviet Union, the People’s Democracies, New

China and the surging movements elsewhere represent
the advance of people like ourselves. ~ ;

The inspiring struggles of the seamen, the French-
Canadian asbestos miners, Toronto building tradesmen
and many spontaneous, unauthorized strikes and stop-
pages against speed-up schedules—al reveal the militan-
cy below.

What must be swiftly created is an alert, dynamic
rank-and-file movement in every union in the country.

The misleaders are a miserable minority; it is the
democratic majority—the rank-and-file—who alone can
and must take the initiative to save their unions.

The rank and file must rally around those leaders
who are loyal to their membership and refuse to join

the cliques which take orders from big business.

The rank-and-file must battle those who plot to rob
Canadian unions of their national autonomy and to -
Make the congresses into tools of a handful. of job-

It is the rank-and-file which must mobilize

against
the effects of the economic crisis. f

And it is the rank-and-file which must forge labor _ 3

unity at home and abroad.

A rank-and-file movement is not a party or partisan
affair. It crosses party lines and must be as broad
as the unions themselves. It must include the best of all
schools of thought who agree on what is common
all and in the interests of all workers.

We publish with this article a series of proposals

-for a program of immediate union tasks. We of the

Labor-Progressive party believe it contains the basis:
for broadest rank-and-file unity in all unions. Mem-
vers and supporters of the CCF should join hands with
members and supporters of the LPP to work for i
Both CCF and LPP members’ should cooperate to win
those who support the old-line parties, or who have
no party preferences, but are honest unionists, to join
'n the fight. ;

There are no blueprints. The movement arises in
each union in accordance with the situation in each indus-
try, plant and local union. It has this in common: mass
work and ran-ond-file attendance in union —
lively participation in formulating union

and gains in accordance with union
tion to bossism and clique rule,

The rank-and- file “movement must also mobilize

“support for embattled workers. This may have to be
_ done in spite of top leaders,

as was done by the locals of
Frank Hall’s own union who support the seamen, as
is being done by individuals and groups who raise funds
in unions for the CSU, and as was done by the British
dockers. ; ;

The rank-and-file in such unions as those on the
railroads must stand aroused against another sell-out
and win all demands. And the rank-and- file must de-
feat all attempts by their officials to raid other unions
or force workers to leave the unions of their choice.

In short, the rank-and- file must take over or the
devil will. atta
Who will start? You will. Where? ‘Wherever you work
and wherever your union meets. :

You will find it easier than
tens of thousands like you.

Build a rank-and- file movement that will become |
the heart and the conscience of Canada’s unions. >

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—AUGUST 5, 1949—PAGE 9

you thought. There are

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