WORLD — 1984 U.S. election: NO LANDSLIDE, NO MANDATE The Nov. 6 election in the U.S. saw 51.4 per cent of eligible voters cast their ballots. Of these 59 per cent voted for Reagan, 41 per cent for Mondale. All states except Washington, D.C. and Minnesota went to Reagan. The Republicans retained control of the Senate, but saw their majority drop by two seats. In the House they gained 15 seats” falling short of a predicted 30-seat gain. The House is still controlled by the Democrats. The following analysis by Gus Hall, leader of the Communist Party USA and its presi- dential candidate, appeared in the Nov. 9 Daily World: (abridged) * * * All the news flashes, bulletins, head- lines and articles about ‘‘an electoral landslide,”’ *‘a shift to the right,” ‘‘the new political realignment for a conserva- tive majority’’ and Reagan’s claim to a ‘popular mandate’’ for his anti-labor, pro-war, racist policies are all attempts by the mass media to put another one over on the American people. It is a con- tinuation of the *‘packaging and selling of the president.’’ Now we are witnessing a TV-headline blitzkrieg to mold the pub- lic’s perception of the elections. There was no swing to the right and no _ new political realignment. In fact, if Reagan had run on his record or on the Republican Party platform he would have been defeated. Reagan ran away from his record and never talked about issues. The Reagan re-election campaign was conducted by imagemakers, script- writers and handlers. The people did not vote for Reaganism or Reaganomics. Many voted for a teflon-coated, TV- created character put over by TV com- mercials, movie clips and a $50 million publicity campaign. No win for Reaganism Voters did not vote for Reaganism or News Analysis Gus Hall Reaganomics. In fact, the votes for most of the candidates for Congress and Sen- ate were votes AGAINST Reaganism and Reaganomics. Many who oppose every policy and position of Reagan still voted for Reagan because they see the presidency as more of a ceremonial position. They see the president as a spokesman and figurehead. They voted for a Holly- wood-type communicator. The emer- gence of TV as a major factor in election campaigns has fostered this new image and concept of the presidency. Through TV the voters separated the man from his positions and policies and even from his party. cae In a sense there was a split in mass thinking between the person and his poli- cies, between Reagan and Reaganism and a downgrading of the U.S. presi- dency to a figurehead stature. Thus, Reagan got the popular vote. But Reaganism provided no_ political coattails for the congressional. and senatorial candidates. This is because the people view Congress and the Senate as the real seat of political power and decision making. And they tended to vote for congressional and senatorial candidates based on issues and politics The Mondale-Ferraro ticket did not present a clear, viable alternative to Reaganism. They were not willing or able to challenge Reagan on issues vital to the people, especially on nuclear dis- armament and negotiations. For the most part, the Democratic machine didn’t work or wouldn’t work. And the Republicans were able to label them as the party of higher taxes, an issue most Americans were vitally concerned about. — : Illusions will fade The Election Day illusions and the image of a teflon-coated, TV-created president will fade very quickly as the problems and crises become clear and begin hurting. The Reagan reality will soon dispel all illusions as he continues to push his anti-labor, pro-war, racist: policies. Many ideological questions emerged during the election campaign. For in- stance, the Republicans were able to. use a new false patriotism that pushes ideas about ‘‘America standing tall.” The Reagan camp was able to use racism by ‘inference, by codewords and demagogy. They used fanatical and false religious concepts as a cover for reactionary poli- cies. They used anti-labor concepts such as ‘‘special interests,’ and ‘‘big labor.” They used the slander that welfare and unemployment checks, foodstamps, cheese lines and all government-related programs are taken advantage of by ‘‘lazy freeloaders.” ‘ Long range effects Possibly the two most important long-. range effects of the elections are the em- . ergence of the new independent people’s power blocs and the new image, status and influence of our Party. The movements of political in- dependence — the trade union move- ment, the Rainbow Coalition, peace, women’s, youth, senior and farm move- ments — all worked along parallel lines during the election campaign. These sec- tors of the anti-Reagan front must now find ways to become a united force that can determine the course of political events in our country. They can, if or- ganized and united, block the anti-people policies of the new Reagan administra- tion. They can become the decisive force in a turnaround 1986 congressional elec- tion. They can become the nucleus of a new people’s political party. Communist Party campaign The second development that will have long-range effects is the Communist election campaign. The Party’s mess not only reached but influenced milli¢ The tremendous impact of the Com! nist campaign and activities cannot - measured by the number of votes. | even the vote is an indication of the eff of the campaign on people’s thinkin} The Party’s campaign influen people and voters on issues like the lie, the new ultra-right and fas danger, the need for public takeove’ industries in structural crisis. The Ct munist candidates, literature and educated people on the relationship | ween corporate profits and class ploitation, on profits and policies of gression and war, on racism. And, though socialism was not on the bal many people wanted to know at socialism USA. This campaign did m toward popularizing Marxism and so ism USA. Reaganism blocked Most important, the movements political independence, the compont that made up the anti-Reagan front, 1 not lose sight of the fact that most of Congress and Senate seats are up fo! election in two years. This can be a powerful factor in blocking the poli of the Reagan administration. Unity’ mass actions can determine the cours political events. The new Reagan recession The world wide capitalist economic recession which hit a peak in 1981-82 has been widely hailed by proponents of the system as having peaked. Key indicators, however, point in the opposite direction. Time Magazine, Nov. 19, 1984, which devotes its issue to Reagan's re-election, contains a sharp warning in its business pages that Reagan's second term will witness severe economic trials for the U.S. economy. It points out that: the U.S. trade deficit now stands at $114-billion; the gross national product tumbled from 8.6 per cent during the first half of 1984 to 2.6 per cent in the third quarter; that the national deficit, $175-bil- lion in the past fiscal year, will grow to $227-billion in 1988. The magazine quotes official U.S. government data predict- ing the overall U.S. deficit will total $846-billion over the next four years, raising the total U.S. national debt to $2.2-trillion. It reminds its readers that when Reagan took office in 1980 the figure was $750-billion. Further predictions indicate the job- less rate (now at 8 million) will grow as will interest rates. Two days after the U.S. elections, U.S. Marxist economist Victor Perlo provided readers of the Daily World with this insight into U.S. economic prospects: * * * There is mounting evidence that the second Reagan recession, or economic crisis, began two months ago — before election day. It may prove the most severe of the late 20th century, and will surely impose new suffering on the working class, which has not yet recovered from the last crisis. There are many cross-currents in the economy, and the evidence is not yet conclusive. The Reaganites, aided by the Federal Reserve Board, have been doing all they can to keep things together until after November, and the full force of the next crisis may not hit for another year. Even if it is, the prospect would be for a so-called growth recession, during which industrial production stagnates, unemployment and poverty increase, mass 8 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, NOVEMBER 28, 1984 living standards deteriorate. The following main point is already established: The worsening of the economy, and of the situation of the working class, during Reagan’s four years, has been more pronounced than under any president since Hoover. ; The clearest evidence of a fresh recession is the de- cline in industrial production and employment in Sep- tember, spread widely over industry. The industrial pro- duction index dropped 0.6 per cent, after virtually stag- nating in August. Factory employment dropped 124,000, with losses in both capital and consumer goods. Financial adviser S. Jay Levy headlined his latest letter to subscribers: ‘‘Grim Recession Begins.’’ Levy is rarely cited publicly. The fact that this issue received much attention indicates a widespread fear that he hit the nail on the head. Together with David Levy, he wrote in the New York Times (10-14-84): This recession would be bad news no matter when it occurred. Yet in silent ways its timing is especially un- fortunate ... It is the third contraction in only five years, and it is hitting an economy that has not satisfactorily recovered from two previous setbacks ... Farmers... are struggling to remain solvent, and thousands have already succumbed . . . eight million are still unemployed. Millions of families — particularly those supported by non-super- visory workers — have less purchasing power and savings than in the late 1970s. The nation’s financial system is also vulnerable. Families ‘‘supported by non-supervisory workers”’ are the majority of the population, the working class. The economic loss is especially marked for its core, factory production workers. Having lost 2.5 million jobs between 1979 and 1983, they regained only one billion before the new decline began. The Urban Institute has published its report showing the drastic Reagan shift of income from worker to capitalist, from poor to rich, from Black and Hispanis to racist employers. It shows that between 1980 and 19 the real disposable income of the bottom 20 per ¢ declined 8 per cent, while that of the top 20 per © increased 9 per cent. This is a major feature plunging country into depression, as more and more of the comes of the upper crust are spent abroad, plunged ! speculation, and otherwise fail to stimulate the dome economy. The downturn is hastened by the negative shif foreign trade. For the first time this century, imp0™ machinery and transport equipment exceeded exp 1983, and the import surplus of these key products well as of iron and steel, textiles, apparel and ot manufactures widened drastically in 1984. The OV import surplus went up from $37-billion in 1982 tO * billion in 1983 and a projected $130-billion in 1984. But much of this results from the policies and pra” of the Reagan administration, the transnational and industrial corporations, the overvaluation of the’ lar and the export of capital. While closing dow? tories here, the transnational corporations are . more and more elsewhere, increasing foreign plan, equipment expenditures from $36-billion in 1983 t billion in 1984 and a planned $44-billion in 1985. BY’ they are employing at least 10 million workers abl Nor is that bringing prosperity to other caPl lands. The partial recovery in Western Europe waS m weaker than in the United States, and according He Conference Board, appears to have come to an ene: one-time dynamic growth of Japan has slowed mal>" Most developing countries remain in profound and economic crisis. / = Reaganite militarization is escalating the nf debt, which is projected by the Congressional z witb Office to drain 4 per cent of the gross national p' interest by the end of the decade, as comp: per cent of GNP in the 1950s and 1960s.