Key information on China

The following review is an expansion, at the Tribune’s
request, of the original printed in the most recent edition

-of Peace News. The author, John Morgan, is President of

the Canadian Peace Congress.

Among the many books pub-
lished on China in 1975, one is
especially recommended for busy
Supporters of the peace move-
ment who do not have time to
become Sinologists but who do
need trustworthy information and
analyses from those who are, and
who also thoroughly understand
and support the world peace ef-
fort. Such a book has appeared,
translated into English from Rus-
sian, Hungarian, German, Bulga-
tian, Polish and Mongolian.
(Present-Day China: Socio-

Economic Problems. Moscow:

Progress Publishers, 1975); its 248
pages of economic, sociological
and political analysis contain
more sensible and helpful infor-
mation and interpretation than
this reviewer has elsewhere found
in such small compass.

Thirteen scholars from six
socialist countries contributed es-
says to the book, which is divided

into five sections:* (1) general ©

problems in the analysis of Chi-
na’s socio-economic system, (2)
main stages of economic policy
and development (3) the class
structure, (4) development pros-
pects, and (5) the Mao groups’ ac-
tivity abroad. Among the many
topics discussed are Sun Yat-sen’s
views on development, the situa-
tion in Kuomintang China, Mao’s
nationalistic doctrine of the ‘“‘new
democracy,’’ the orientation and
leadership role in earlier days of
the Communist Party, the na-
tional economic plans, the
switch-over to Maoism and con-
sequent difficulties and confu-
sions, the status of classes and
social sections, foreign trade,
militarism.

The Chinese population prob-
lem is studied in relationship to its
aggravation through, abrupt
changes of economic-social poli-
cy; industry is analyzed in its two
spheres of civilian and military,
the former deprived in favor of
the latter, especially in agricul-
ture. There is an especially able
presentation of the changes in
' Chinese industry from pre-
revolutionary days to the present,
buttressed by tables and statistics
from official Chinese sources, and
with careful estimates where
Statistics are unavailable; Mao’s
socio-economic views on
egalitarianism and poverty are
presented and critically analyzed
in terms of the objective require-
ments of workers building large
scale and highly mechanized pro-
duction facilities. The ‘great leap
forward”’ is discussed in its vari-
ous aspects, and shown to be ac-
tually a disastrous fall backward.
The major importance of handi-
crafts in present-day China is
discussed in relationship to- the
founding of cooperatives, their
_ subsequent deformation by
speed-up, and the destructive im-
pact of this on the economy.

The present class structure of
China is discussed in relation-
ship to Mao’s redefinition of
classes, which holds that the
bourgeoisie-proletarian struggle

JOHN MORGAN

continues even after the means of
production are socialized and will
do so up to the founding of com-
munism, with the distinct possi-
bility of the bourgeoisie triumph-
ing — hence, Mao’s ‘‘struggle”’
emphasis. The exposition and
criticism of this is the best this
reviewer has seen. Similarly, a
discussion of the Chinese work-
ing Class in 1964-5 is an excellent
example of concrete analysis of
the various categories of workers,
their training problems, their
material conditions, their wage
problems, their relationship to the
present political apparatus, the
role of unions.

While several essays deal in
part with agriculture, there is one
specializing in its analysis, giving
a careful exposition of the
changes occasioned by abrupt
Switches of policy, the sig-
nificance of various social groups
in the countryside, the problems
of communes and brigades, the
deformation occasioned by the
“prepare for war and_ natural
calamities”’ slogan.

On China’s prospects for de-
velopment, the analysis probes
various strains and conflicts oc-
casioned by the deformations and
deprivations arising from the
military program, estimated to
consume some 20% of China’s
gross productivity; the outcome
Suggested is for an eventual
post-Mao assumption of power
by a group with the same kind of
nationalistic mentality, but more
practical-minded and realistic.

The final essay is a brief exposi-
tion of the history of the
hegemonic attitude of China to-

.ward non-Chinese peoples, espe-

cially toward Mongolia. Of spe-
cial interest is the summary of
Chinese-Mongolian economic re-
lations until the Chinese break-off
which left Mongolia with a seri-
ous economic loss. However, this
article needs to be considerably
expanded through statistical and
other kinds of documentation that
give the other articles much of
their authority.

These 248 pages are packed
with helpful information and
analysis. One should read the en-
tire book. However, it’ is slow
reading and if one had to choose
through pressure of time a single
article, the first one, some 50
pages long, will give an excellent
overview of the general situation.
It is by M.I. Sladkovsky of

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—AUGUST 20, 1976—Page 6

the U.S.S.R. and is entitled
“General Problems in the Analy-
sis of the P.R.C.’s Socio-
Economic System.”’

This reviewer has prepared a
lengthy precis of the entire book,
which may be secured by writing
to the Canadian Peace Congress,
Toronto office. In view of the fact
that 800 million people in China
are being taught the inevitability
of war, and to prepare for it, in
view of Maoist opposition to de-
tente and the obvious swing to the
right in foreign policy, and in view
of the attempted ‘destruction of
the liberation struggle in Angola
through joint action with South
Africa and the CIA, it is essential
that workers for peace have reli-
able knowledge of the truth about
China. This book has a lot of it to
offer.

Note: Studies such as those con-
tained in Present Day
China are important not only for
an understanding of what occurs in
that country but as aids to rev-
olutionary forces elsewhere who
seek to avoid similar happenings in

their own countries. As Hungarian’

scholar G. Gidaszi comments:
“The contradictions in China’s
development reflect some tenden-
cies which are typical of many
Third World countries that are
backward in socio-economic
terms, tendencies which could pos-
sibly characterize their future de-
velopment’’. (p. 59) 2
For instance, ‘The working
class in China was said to include
the army and all Party members
regardless of their social origin be-
cause, the argument went, they
were the most consistent advocates
of working class goals and ideas.
This kind of logic swelled the class
basis of the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat in China to 15 million,
which was three times the actual

‘figure but nevertheless only

amounted to only 5% of the coun-
try’s adult population.

“The importance of this prob-
lem goes well beyond the
framework of China’s develop-

ment, for it is one of the basic prob- ,

lems in the transition to the
socialist road of former colonial
and semi-colonial countries with
backward class relations similar to
China.”’

He suggests that particular at-
tention should be directed toward
making distinctions ‘“‘about which
the Chinese views should be re-
garded as a specific reflection of
objective problems arising from
China’s social realities and which
as a harmful product of the dis-
torted mental reflection of genuine
or imagined problems, as ideologi-
cal views which falsify the realities,
or as incorrect theoretical con-
cepts. A scientific and consistent
separation of the two would make

it easier for us to fight against in- -

correct ideological propositions
and concepts’’. (p. 64)

There is no implication by any of
the writers, however, that variants
of Maoism are inevitable in Third
World countries, but on the con-
trary that such difficulties can be
avoided or greatly reduced in scope
by leadership that thoroughly un-
derstands scientific socialism and
avails itself of the cummulative ex-
perience and aid of the socialist
countries.

— John Morgan

}

A LOOK AT THE OLYMPICS

Some comparisons

eae _. By TOM MORRIS ae
_ MONTREAL ~The. two action-packed and exciting weeks
Olympics were probably watched by more people than any evi
far. Canadians, no less than anyone, glued themselves to their
woke up ‘tired for work as they followed the competitions by!
world’s finest athletes. ... oe —
_ It’s quite nattral:that our impressions overall will be varied —
were-thée Gaitiés themselves. People I talked to discovered new spay
they previously were not familiar with, new names that were ins
made famous by massive electronic coverage. :
_ While the Olympic spirit prevailed and each competitor did hi
her best, the stunning results achieved by the socialist world as a whl
deserve some examination.

There:are 40 countries included in the list of medal winners. Of!
40, 11 are socialist and 29 capitalist. The overall comparisons read

this:268 medals for the capitalist states — 344 for the socialist. EB
more impressive is a look at the top 10 winners. Here you fin'
socialist and three capitalist countries with a decisive edge in mee 1
for socialism — 325 to 158. : a
Any way you look at it; the superiority of sports and recreation un@ \
socialism is seen. The German Democratic Republic would have to!)
considered the most improved and impressive team given its size #
success. Forty gold medals, a total of 90 Olympics medals — and
entered only 16 of the 21 Games’ events. And, as we’ve said ie
times in this space, the GDR has only 17 million people — but wha}
difference compared with Canada’s approach to sports and physi* (
culture! y
One hundred and twenty-one first place finishes for the elev’ ‘
socialist countries more than makes the point. But it’s not only’ Av
vastly better training programs, the superior facilities, the accessibilll
for all to sports that was evident to all who cared to see. There is als?
matter of attitude and approach. ]

Re eg pe tp

* Ok

The socialist athletes didn’t bellyache when they lost. We didn’t he) |
Sour grapes excuses and bégrudging comments when athletes fro! t
non-socialist countries did well. Having met several medal winners y
the GDR team socially during the Games it’s difficult to imagine the «
making the sort of stupid comments some U.S. and Canadians mae I
about their opponents. Ff

But that also mirrors the complete difference in concepts of the M) ‘
major contending social systems. When the great new Cuban tra ‘ I
champion Alberto Juantorena said he will give his two gold medals"
the Cuban Revolution, Canadian broadcasters didn’t know what ye
meant. When the GDR women swimmers were asked if sports ma® :
them “‘less feminine’’, they weren’t quite sure what the hell was beif I
asked ... ; +

OK OK, yi

Canada’s athletes didn’t surprise anyone. All the talk by the medh !
that the host country traditionally has never won less than three gold
and we were aiming for five, was just that — talk. Again, we wé!
simply outclassed. It’s not the fault of the athletes who worked ha ;
and have as much pride and desire as anyone. The question now #
whether more organization and effort will go into amateur sports %
less. It could go either way now that the Olympics are over.

ne ae Hake

After hundreds of hours of TV viewing the country was groggy wl”)
the enormity of the whole show. Still, it was hard not to be shaken #
the last day watching the closing ceremonies. Staged like a 1940’s Cer
B. DeMille extravaganza, the ‘Indian motif’ was nothing short a
insulting to Canada’s native people. Giant teepees? Powder bltie buck
skins? What sort of a folksy image were they trying to foist off on tht
world? -

Given our past and present treatment of Native peoples, the organly;
ers of this giant turkey should be made to spend afew months in the ré
environment provided for Indian people — tarpaper shacks, mé@
nutrition, disease, alcholism, cops, jails. . .

ie “ Quit trying to hide, Grimsby, and get back to work...”