| aeelelail

World

Chile’s ‘no’ vote
yet to be realized
in changing regime

On Oct. 5, the Chilean people gave a
resounding “No” to General Pinochet’s
desire to stay in power forever as the. coun-
try’s ruler. Fifty-five per cent of the voters
(42 per cent voted “‘yes”’) rejected the dicta-
tor’s ambitions to govern until 1997 and,
along with it, his political and economic
policies. The vote showed the people’s need
for a rapid return to democracy, for total
restoration of human rights and most
important, the immediate resignation of
Pinochet.

Chileans celebrated their victory in the
streets throughout the country. Along with
tens of thousands in exile, they expressed
their joy at Pinochet’s defeat.

But, one month later, according to
observers, a growing sense of frustration
has seized the majority who voted “no.” It

no
changes in constitution, economic direc-
tion.

GEN. AUGUSTO PINOCHET ...

has become clear that the categorical tri-
umph won at the ballot box has not
changed the situation very much.

The regime continues to thumb its nose
at the results of the plebiscite and clings to
its illegitimate power. Pinochet himself
received the full impact of the defeat, and
found his closest civilian allies in right-wing
circles distancing themselves from him. His
resignation was expected to be imminent.

But just days after the vote, he
announced that nothing in Chile had
changed, that the program of the 1980 con-
stitution would continue, that there would
be presidential elections in December 1989
and, in March 1990, he would give over the
presidency to the winner of these elections.
He made it clear that the constitution and
the Chilean economic model would not
change.

This means there will be no return to
democracy as the people hoped.

In the month following the election, 16
parties which made up the “Command for
the No,” a loose coalition of parties (exclud-
ing the Communist Party and other forces
of the Marxist left) put together a proposal
setting out how to see a speedy return to a
democratic form of government. The list of
proposals is long and includes modifying
the 1980 (fascist) constitution; election of a
National Congress by popular suffrage;
ending the ban on Marxist political parties;
and revoking the rule that establishes as
permanent the positions of Commander-in-
Chief of the Armed Forces and police —
positions which, according to the constitu-
tion, could not be changed even if a new
president is elected in 1989.

The list calls for an increase in the
number of civilians in the National Security

8 e Pacific Tribune, November 28, 1988.

News Analysis
A. Alard

Service; an agreement on rules for the elec-
toral system; mayoralty elections; justice for
human rights crimes, re-establishment of
university autonomy and pluralistic televi-
sion; dissolution of the CNI (Pinochet’s
Gestapo); an end to all forms of repression;
freedom of the press and an end to all legal
processes against journalists, civic leaders,
unionists, youth and all those who have
been victims of personal and political perse-
cution.

This proposal, to be negotiated with the
armed forces, was passed on to the execu-

tive power and the reply was emphatic: a

dialogue would be possible — perhaps
even negotiations — but neither the consti-
tution and its program nor economic poli-
cies will be open to discussion. Pinochet
made some cosmetic ministerial changes,
but opposed even the air force and police
who did not disguise the fact they consider a
dialogue with the opposition about consti-
tutional reforms to be necessary.

The Communist Party of Chile, excluded
from the “Command for the No,” found
positive elements in the list of proposals
which could allow for unified action of all

democratic forces, but saw insufficiencies —

within it. The Communists believe that the
main task is not to reform the constitution,
but to repeal it; to assure respect for human
rights and to bring about truly free elec-
tions.

What is notably lacking in the proposals,
the CPC says, is that it doesn’t establish a
time frame for these demands to be met.
“The departure of Pinochet,” it contends,
“is a requirement for democracy, and does
not depend on his whims. We cannot wait

~ for his ethical posturing. This country will

not stand for another 15 months of dicta-
torship. What type of free elections can
there be with Pinochet in power?”

Communist Party officials state: “We do
not oppose negotiations. There are no rea-
sons of principle here. The important thing
is to know what is being negotiated and
what objectives are being sought. Any nego-
tiations must be carried out with the active
presence and participation of a mobilized
people.”

For some observers, it is surprising that
in face of such government obstinacy, the
opposition opposes social mobilization —
the only way which has so far succeeded in
achieving the changes the country demands.
Juan Pablo Cardenas, editor of the maga-
zine Analisis, recently said: “Social passivity
comés from the lack of courage or the inde-
cision of some political leaders who are
waiting for the results of a dialogue with the
military government, thinking that there
could be a political settlement. This leaves
the people more as observers than partici-
pants. If we interpret the popular vote as a
rejection of the dictatorship, its constitution

-and its political program, the right thing to

do would be to demand an immediate end
to fascist government and management
before we go any farther along the rocky
road of this fraudulent constitution.”
Meanwhile, in the view of the 16-party

coalition which comprises both right and
left-wing parties, the business of seeking a
presidential candidate and future senators
and deputies has become a primary con-
cern. The Christian Democrats, the axis
party of the group, has four or five possibili-
ties. Ricardo Lagos, leader of the non-
Marxist section of the Socialist Party,
figures as a future candidate if his party
maintains the agreement with the others to
put forward a single opposition presidential
candidate.

But they have been reluctant to give a
blank cheque to any one of the parties.
Although Halloween isn’t celebrated in
Chile, a number of personages from the
bourgeois parties have appeared disguised
as political candidates of every kind. Unfor-
tunately, this means that much attention
will be focussed on the upcoming “official”
elections which are now being manipulated
by the regime. As a consequence, there will
be less chance for the voice of the Chilean
people to be heard and respected. All the
while, opposition leaders continue to jockey
for power — a power that continues to
elude them.

Democracy will not be obtained by
means of candidates or electoral pacts. It
will only be obtained through a consolida-
tion of forces which truly reflect the people’s
interests. But what we are now seeing is a
tendency to search for formulas which are
conciliatory to the regime and to sectors of
the right, as seen in the National Party’s
move to integrate itself as part of the collec-
tive in the 16-party group.

‘NO’ VOTERS CELEBRATE OCT. 5 PLEBISCITE . . . but the regime has entrenche
following the vote.

The left has not yet succeeded in becom-

ing a homogeneous group. Various parties

of the United Left also make up part of the
association of the 16 parties, among them
the Socialist Party, led by Clodomiro
Almeyda. And the Christian Left leader,

Luis Maira, has just declared that it was not
only the armed forces which carried out the

repression against the Chilean people, but
also the regime’s security apparatus, imply-
ing that repression was never institutional
ized.

To act in this manner is simply to become
involved in a game of opinions which keeps

the bourgeois parties going strong. Thesé |

parties favour erasing the crimes of the past
and starting afresh. This stance is encouf-
aged by the U.S. government and its State
Department, where many Chilean political
leaders go to receive the recipe which impe-
rialism wants to impose on Chile: Pinochet
ism without Pinochet. This means n0

alteration in current economic policy which —

favours imperialism and a small sector 0
Chilean capitalists.

Today’s most urgent task is to bring 4
end to the dictatorship — to get rid 0
Pinochet once and for all — to have truly
free elections, and to return ‘to the struggle
for real democracy.

The October 5 “no” vote should be see#
as a kind of breakthrough, a beginning of
the overthrow of the dictatorship, a period
of gestation for democracy which will only
be obtained through social mobilizatio?
and use of all forms of struggle and unit
action of the people.

By NORMAN FARIA
Tribune Caribbean correspondent

BRIDGETOWN, Barbados — Barba-
dians are pitching in to help beleaguered
Nicaragua following the devastation of
hurricane Joan. Spearheaded by a relief
campaign mounted by the Friends of
Nicaragua (FON) solidarity group,

boxes of used clothing and items like
kerosene lanterns are soon to be shipped
from here, carried free of cost by the
Cuban national airline, Cubana, which
has.a regular flight from Bridgetown to
Managua via Havana.

Friends of Nicaragua officials report
that “people from all walks of life” have
responded to the appeal for help, includ-
ing the Barbados branch of the National
Union of Seamen (NUS) and a smaller
union, the National Democratic Workers’

Aid campaign widening

Union. Ata press conference aired on the
island’s sole TV station, FON pointed
out that the storm was one of the worst
ever to hit Nicaragua, leaving some 100
dead and 150,000 homeless.

FON also slammed what it saw as a
“lack of depth” of the foreign policies of
the Barbados government in terms of
rendering aid to Nicaragua. By contrast,
the umbrella group for regional churches,
the Caribbean Conference of Churches,
has sent some $5,000 to help in clean-up
work,

Islanders as well as tourists visiting
here are being invited to attend a FON-
sponsored benefit concert in aid of Nica-
ragua at which top calypsonians such as
the Mighty Gabby and the Mighty
Rouser will take part, and the Associa-
tion of Literary Artists will give readings.

a <