{Pe 1 eh cla LL LLL LAR ENB fe Of them are marked by free-wheel- : 8 discussions in which members have ately. attacked the bureaucracy and een in high places and have Orsed the decisions of the Decem- fr and January plenums. {uaa The battle (because that’s what it © ety no means over yet. The “con- been elements are resisting the i ideas. Many of them are still in heen posts. But, in keeping with are Whole new democratic spirit, they omic being “removed” (as non-con- If e's Would have been in the past). will wi do not resign voluntarily they Blatt changed at the next scheduled ions or electoral meetings of the €S they head. b There are, of course, extremists on ‘abey Sides; and some of them are not eae using demagogy — “conserva- agai who try to set off the workers Ist the intellectuals and “liberals” ,_0 Bive cause for anxiety by advanc- aie Sorts of hair-brained schemes, as ng the idea that Czechoslovakia cen’. “neutral”. But these are ex- Dtions, not the rule. ane of the most evident expressions press” hew atmosphere is the way the Of th. tadio and TV have been freed und € rigid restrictions of conformism €r which they worked until now. © Pravo, the Communist Party or- an, devotes two or three pages daily: fee reports, articles and letters, ists Communists and non-Commun- alike, giving views and opinions nuh the decisions of the two ple- Dart and subsequent decisions of the tae leadership. The decisions and thee of. every meeting of the tees lum and all other party commit- day are now made public the next ee articles and letters cover the Tange diverse views on the widest Work, Of topics: the problems of the Bhi and the intellectuals; the tong ines in the system of elec- Suncie: parliament and municipal ne “lls; examples of bureaucracy, etc. * Jurist wrote on the problems of A Sa the courts and suggested Bes ie other things that it’s time jud- as t €re not advised from, on high “i What the verdict should be. mane in the past, the papers carry Wes, More reports about what the Scie Press has to say about the Comme, countries, including their ments on the current events here. ‘nd it’s not only Rude Pravo. All Ban are in the thick of it. It’s er, therefore, that they're ee up as soon as they hit the bets ws and read avidly as never e ‘20cm ty fople are glued to the radio and News €se days—more for the political entert and commentary than for the ainment programs. When the Cet Party branch in a north Meet; Mining town held a four-hour Ing the other day, with a member tieq , Presidium present, the TV car- thriltin \Yhour report of it. It was Passio & to see and hear with what Sok N and enthusiasm the miners © about the party’s new approach. Another example: The other day the “TV carried a fascinating and excellent- ly-executed two-hour documentary .on the problems of the young and old generations, in which the youth spoke out frankly and boldly about how they saw the problems of the country. The interesting thing is that this program was produced two years ago to be presented in two two-hour parts. After the first was shown at that time it raised so many conservative eyebrows that on order from above the second part was cancelled. This time both parts were shown. ; Last November, the student demon- stration was all “hush-hush”. Three weeks ago the TV and movie news- reels carried film clips of it, showing how the students were attacked by the police. . Political discussions are being held everywhere and by everyone. Intellec- tuals are invited to come to factories to give their views to the workers. The latter send representatives to discuss problems with students and writers. Many of these meetings are carried on the TV and radio. Students particularly are active in _all these discussions. And the hearten- ing thing is that whereas until recent- ' ly there was a cynicism and even hos- tility among the young people toward the party and the “establishment”, to- day there is rapidly developing a wholesome rapport and identity be- tween them. : The other day university and high school students organized a kind of “Youth Quiz-In’”.to which they invited leading Communists to answer their questions. Among those who spoke were M. Svermova and Josef Smrkov- sky, both of them veteran Communist leaders who at one time had been jailed and subsequently rehabilitated. The meeting was scheduled for 8.00 p.m. and the auditorium where it was held holds 2,000 persons. By 6.00 p.m. far beyond that number were already lined up at the entrance. About 1,000 had to stand outside and listen via the p.a. system. And the meeting did ‘not end until 1.00 a.m.—five hours later! . More than 1,000 questions were sub- mitted, only a part of which could be answered of course. The debate was heated and—as with students every- where—nothing was “out of bounds”. Even the question of Brezhnev’s Dec- ember visit to Prague was raised, whereas .two months ago nobody would have dared discuss the matter at a public meeting, much less put it over the radio. | (Contrary to what the Western press implied, Brezhnev did not come to ‘‘do a job” here. He was invited, came, found out about the differences, said it was not for him to judge or advise, that he was sure the Czechoslovak party could very well cope with its problems—and left. Why he was in- vited and who invited him was raised by some members at the plenum as one of the wrong methods of work. But that’s another story). : The student meeting passed a reso- lution enthusiastically supporting the decisions of the party. Other resolu- tions demanded: guarantees for basic democratic freedoms, freedom of speech, press and assembly; more energetic measures in proceeding with the economic reforms; more rapid re- habilitation of all persons who had been wrongfully sentenced or denoun- ced; enactment of laws allowing all citizens the right to travel freely and to stay without any time limits in foreign countries; and many others. At another meeting of university stu- dents, Prof. Otakar Sik, one of Czecho- slovakia’s leading economists and a member of the central committee of the party, made an important speech in which, among other things, he said: “There had been serious distortions of the democratic principle and forms, both inside the party and in our social- ist society. As a result, the activity and initiative of the people in recent years had fallen, their interest in public and political affairs had dwindled and there had developed among them a dis- trust of all public, and particularly the highest political, organs and represen- tatives.” At the end of his speech he told the students: “We can create such a model of a socialist society as will truly become attractive to working people in all capitalist countries and which, as one British journalist visiting us recently said, will immeasurably influence the development of the entire left-wing movement in the Western countries.” It’s a perspective that’s worth fighting for.” ; Amid all this enthusiasm and acti- vity, a pall of gloom, concern and anger was cast over the country by the flight to the West of Jan Sejna, a major-general, along with his mistress, his son and important military infor- mation. The case, however, is not un- connected: with all the other recent events here. Circumstantial evidence points to the fact that the general had friends in very high places and that his flight may have been prompted by the sudden insecurity of the latter. AUNT _ Meanwhile, members of the party and the general public have been ask- ing some pointed questions: How did Sejna manage to rise from lieutenant to a major-general in five years? Why, when the shady side of his moral life was known, was he allowed to retain his high security position? Who allow- ed him to have a diplomatic passport? Why, if he “had been suspected of larceny for about a month before, was he allowed to slip across the border in his own car? To investigate the entire affair tho- roughly, the party has appointed a commission which should be bringing in a report soon. (Whether, and if so how, the recent suicide of General Vladimir Janko, deputy minister of national defense, is connected with the case will no doubt also be revealed). The press here has been giving full coverage to the Sejna case, including the comments of the Western press. _ Although there has been no “chop- ping off of heads” in the battle be- tween the “conservatives” and the “liberals”, a process of early “spring cleaning” from below has already claimed a few victims. In Slovakia, the chairman of. the Slovak National Assembly, M. Chudik, handed in his resignation but the as- sembly didn’t accept it;-it decided to remove him instead. The chairman of the Central Council of Trade Unions and two other officers also resigned their positions but their colleagues: likewise decided instead to ask for their removal. The next ple- nary meeting of trade union represen- tatives will likely do so. 0 The National Assembly (parliament) the other day expressed its lack of confidence in the minister of interior, Dr. Josef Kurdnov, and the state pro- secutor, Dr. Jan Bartuskov, and re- moved them from their posts. _ A number of party meetings openly called on Novotny to resign from his position as president. With rumors still circulating, with the top leadership still divided and the next central committee still to take place, there is an odd mixture of in- terest, confusion and anxiety as to exactly what the next developments will be.. This confusion and anxiety is particularly noticeable among Com- munists outside Czechoslovakia. The press in most of the socialist countries, for example, has to date published little or nothing about the events and developments here since the two ple- nums. On the other hand, the Italian Communist paper, L’Unita, is publish- ing in detail all available news. But inside Czechoslovakia, with each day that goes by there is less confusion and less anxiety, as the ‘party shows that it has the process of democratization in hand. Skepticism and doubt are giving way to confidence . and enthusiasm as more and more people are swept up by the new in- terest and new initiatives that have been unleashed. It is not surprising, of course, that it is the Czechoslovak party that has embarked on this new path of develop- ment. As many of the participants in the discussion—leaders and rank and file—keep pointing out, the Czech and Slovak people have long-established democratic traditions which go back not only to the founding of the first Czechoslovak republic 50 years ago but to their struggles against their “oppressors and would-be’ oppressors for centuries back. Many of these tra- ditions in recent years have not been given the opportunity of fully blos- soming out. Now they will be be able to do so. ; Much of this process of democrati- zation is still in the discussion stage, although a number of lesser measures have been taken here and there. How it is to be carried through practically will be summarized in the decisions that will be taken at the next plenum of the central committee scheduled to begin March 28. The draft of: the Action Program, in particular, which the plenum will discuss, will be a kind of credo or charter, mapping out the new course the Czechoslovak Com- munists have set out for themselves and their country. : Czechoslovakia will most certainly be worth watching and studying in ‘the days and months ahead. MARCH 29, 1968—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 7 ee