GUS HALL Gus Hall, general secretary of the Commu- nisi Party, made this speech at a meeting of solidarity with the Chilean Communist Party held in New York City on Séptember 25. Other speakers were James E. Jackson, secretary of the Party’s International Affairs Commission, and Grace Mora Newman, currently her Party's candidate for lieutenant governor of New York. By Gus Hall henever there is new revolutionary experience it is’ necessary to study it and draw all conclusions from it. The developments in Chile are a new revolution- ary experience. I will probe these new experiences with you, but before we do, we in the United States must real- ize that the source of the danger to the electoral victory of the Chilean people is here! The most crucial matter to us is that Washington, D.C. is the center — the world center — of counter-revolu- tion. It is the direct representative of the corporate trusts, world corporations, Rockefellers and Duponts who are calling the shots in the invisible government — the National Security Council — about the matters in Chile. The Central Intelligence Agency has its special Chilean department and frankly, the question is not whether they will try to overthrow the electoral mandate in Chile, the question is how and when. We cannot forget that in the very same days when President Kennedy was issuing his statements about the Alliance for Progress about great friendship for the South American people, he was conferring with high U.S. government officials whether or not to murder Fidel Castro. The possible assassination of the newly elected president of Chile no doubt is being discussed in Washington now. The revelations about Kennedy’s plan to get Fidel Castro murdered should destroy some of the dangerous illusions about the nature of U.S. imperialism. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, DECEMBER 18 1970—PAGE 6 You can be sure they are discussing how to undo this meaningful electoral victory. They are discussing wheth- er they should give Argentina and Brazil one or two bil- lion dollars to create border incidents to create the ex- cuse to invade with the United States’ support. They are discussing whether Brazil or Argentina cannot do in Chile what Israel is doing in the Mideast. U.S. imperialism is a master at this type of tactic. And they are discussing whether the preferable tactic would be to get the Chilean military — to promise them any- thing they want — to get them to take power. What is important for us to realize is that, whatever the decisions and the plans, the money for the counter- revolutionary attempt is coming from Washington, D.C. This is now the world center of counter-revolution. Just this week a’new element was revealed in.the advanced imperialist planning and aggression: the invisible gov- ernment has secret panels for each crisis area. These panels sit in permanent session and plan. They make the decisions, including decisions for military action in these crisis areas. This system of active panels in session was revealed regarding the developments in the Middle East. You may be sure the panel on Chile has been and is in session for some time. Therefore our task here in the United States is to stay the ugly hand of imperialist ag- gression against the progressive revolutionary electoral victory in Chile. It has been obvious for some time to most that the Chilean election was not an ordinary election. The Chil- ean electoral developments were the handwriting on the wall for imperialism, and especially for U.S. imperial- ism. Fear about this election has been mounting in the ruling class circles for some time. Everybody has sensed that not just the future of Chile is involved here. Every- body has known that what takes place in Chile will have repercussions, first of all, in all of Latin America. There- fore the ruling class circles have had good reason to fear the Chilean elections. : This election marks the appearance. of a new devel- opment in the class struggle and, because of this, there is panic in ruling class. circles. For this reason ‘they are openly saying that ‘‘it must not be permitted.’’ This con- cept has appeared in many columns and in many speech- es. And what is it that must not be permitted? What must not be permitted is the result of a democratic elec- tion in Chile. The New York Times, which has spoken loud and often about democratic processes has, since the elections, been talking about whether or not military rule is the answer. The New York Times thinly veils this line by saying maybe the medicine is worse than the dis- ease. Maybe. And then goes on in the next editorial sug- gesting that the military may not have a clgice in the matter. That they may have to take power. You can be sure the policy underneath those editorials is much more in the direction of encouraging the military: of Chile to take power. In this sense there is small difference be- tween Spiro Agnew’s policy of studying the question of calling off the 1972 elections in the U.S.A. and the New York Times calling for a rejection of a democratic elec- toral decision in Chile. It is fundamentally the same pol- icy. And no matter how thinly veiled, this is the policy of the American ruling circles. Now, why is there such fear about this election. As I said, they fear the new element that has emerged in the Chilean election. And what is new in this election? The election of a socialist president? That is.not what is new. Socialist presidents have been elected before. Even Left socialist presidents have been elected before. So that is not the new element the Chilean election intro- duces into the revolutionary developments. What is new is the nature of the mass movement that elected Presi- dent Salvador Allende. This-mass movement in Chile that elected the new president is a united front move- ment on a new level. It is a united front movement based on changing the relations of the class forces in Chile. It is a united front movement for taking the steps, the necessary steps to establish socialism in Chile. It is a united front move- ment for a revolutionary change. And therefore the elec- tions in Chile are a revolutionary, democratic mandate of the people. That’s what is new! And that’s what the ruling circles of this country fear so much. A revolution- ary, democratic electoral mandate with the power of the organized masses to back it up. That’s what has crea- ted a sense of panic in the ranks of the ruling class. This development in Chile has shed the last figleaf from bour- geois propaganda. Can you just hear former Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, Eisenhower and the New York Times saying: ‘‘We will accept the verdict of the people as long as it is democratically arrived at.” This has been the big propaganda line that the rul- ing circles have been putting over. They have been using Chile (pop. 9#Pn) | countries: Pett 12 reforms; in B&O0p. formed by 6® pledged to sl of the labor’ the Argentinas Brig. Gen. Rom restrictions © BOLIVIA this tactic because they know that masses in the United States, who have not experienced revolutions, can be misled into believing that non-electoral revolutions are not democratic. In this sense one could ask, was our revolution in 1776 democratic or non-democratic? But because the masses don’t know, they have been able to say, “we will accept any verdict as long as it is democratically arrived at.’ But now that last figleaf has been torn off. A revo- lutionary mandate democratically and electorally ar- rived at — that’s what’s new in Chile. It is for this reason that the ruling circles in Ameri- ca are thinking about military rule — counter-revolution from the barrel of the gun. To overthrow what was demo- cratically, electorally arrived at in Chile. The ruling cir- cles don’t mind political changes, as long as the capital- ist class rule remains. They don’t mind socialist parties — they didn’t get excited about electing a Harold Wilson in England, or a Guiseppe Saragat in Italy, who are so- cialist in name only, because the class rule remains in- tact. But in Chile there is a difference. That is the man- date is to change that class rule. That is the mandate | that won the Chilean election. That is new. The world — revolutionary movement has not before experienced this road to power. Because of this there are a number of questions, theoretical and practical, that have emerged. Does this mean the electoral path is now the only path to working class power? It does not. That conclusion would not only be wrong, it would be opportunistic, it would be a right opportunistic conclusion. It does mean, however, that when the elections are used as a weapon of a fighting, militant coalition that it can win. And that is a very im- portant conclusion. It is one of the fundamental things we have to conclude from the Chilean experience. Does the Chilean experience mean that this is the only path to power for all countries? No it does not. It is proof of nothing of the kind. Revolutionaries must be ready for all forms of struggle. More than anything else human experience proves that revolutionaries must be ready for combinations of forms of struggle. The proper ingredients of military, non-military, violent, non-violent, at the proper time is what I think Chile indigates — prop-