By SAM RUSSELL LONDON, ENG. ECENT events ‘in France and Italy have thrown a new light on the pernnial problem facing the’ working- class movement in Western Eu- rope of what is to be done to ensure the defeat of reaction in these countries. - The short answer to this problem is, of course, to achieve the unity of the working-class and progressive forces — in the first place of Socialists and Communists — in. this struggle in which they have a common aim. The rather bitter experiences, particularly of the postwar years, have shown that this is easier said than done. The al- most pathological hatred of Communism of many right- wing Socialist leaders has made the path to such unity exceed- ingly difficult. But recent events. in Italy and France have shown that the struggle for the political unity of the working-class and Social-- ist forces is making important practical progress. Even the enemies of Commu- nism concede that in these countries it is the Communist Party that is the premier party of the working class, at the same time speaking for impor- tant sections of intellectuals and professional people. In both these countries it has STEPS TOWARD UNITY. A British journalist discusses developments in the working-class movements of France and Italy . become. increasingly evident, not just to a few politicians or political commentators, but to the vast mass of ordinary peo- ple, that any progress against the powers of reaction and monopoly capital, is only pos- sible if unity of the progressive forces exists, including the Communist Party. : The answer, hitherto, of many Socialist leaders in these countries, has been that the Communist Party was too big to unite with, because the So- cialists were in danger of being swamped. An interesting” con- trast, incidentally with the ar- gument of Socialist leaders where the Communist Party is small, where they say it is too small to unite with. @ Of course the French and Italian Communist parties have been the victims of the foul and unprincipled proaganda cam- paigns that are the common change of those who fear work- ing-class unity like the devil fears holy water. In Italy all the power of the Vatican has been thrown into the campaign, in France all the personal prestige of General de Gaulle, in both, all the power which big business can com-. mand. , Yet despite everything, in- cluding cooking of the electoral books as in France, at every election, national and munici- pal, the Communist vote has gone up and with it the popular = Lee pressure for unity of the work- ing-class and progressive forces. In Italy, the late general sec- retary of the Italian Communist Party, Palmiro Togliatti, cam- paigned tirelessly for unity of the working-class movement, and warned that no true “open- ing to the Left” was possible which excluded the Commu- nists. The Socialist leader, Signor Nenni, thought otherwise, broke the agreement he had with the Communists .and joined in a Christian Democratic govern- ment. The Social Democrat lead- er, Signor Saragat, was so strongly opposed to having any- thing to do with*the Commu- nists that he broke with Signor Nenni in 1947 when the latter first. concluded an agreement with the Communists. But after the increase of a million votes in the general elec- tions of 1963, the Italian Com- munists further increased their Strength in the municipal elec- tions last November to 26 per- cent of the total poll, - In numerous towns and _ vil- lages all over Italy, know from their own personal experience what benefits a Com- munist municipality can bring, and what benefits a joint Com- munist - Socialist municipality can bring. @ And when the battle for the presidency was joined last month it became evident that no non-Christian Democrat candi- date could be elected without Communist support. It took 13 days and 21 ballots for this les- son to be learned. . But the battle against reac- tion was won the moment Sig- nor Saragat appealed for _sup- -port from “all the democratic and anti-fascist groups,” there- by abandoning his previous re- fusal to accept Communist votes. After the election, the gene- ral secretary of the Italian Com- munist Party, Luigi Longo, de- clared: “From the beginning, we declared that our democra- tic left wing would require the vote of other democrats, both Catholic and non-Catholic, in order to arrive at the desired election. “We maintained constant con- tacts with these forces, bearing in mind all the while that after this election a new climate would be necessary for the country, . “In our greeting to President Saragat, together with the me- mory of our common struggle people: In both Italy and France, workers of varied political atta ments have often united for action in defense of peace or of i economic interests. Now there are strong pressures growing for p” tical unity as well. Our top photo shows a demonstration in fro the South African embassy in Rome protesting against aparthel which Communists, Socialists and others took part. Bottom: a P demonstration in the French town of Ussel. against fascism’ there is also now our hope that the Italian working class will advance with justice and progress.” - The presidential elections de- monstrated to the entire Italian people that no democratic solu- tion of the nation’s problems is possible without the Commu- nist Party. : Of course the future develop- ment of the drive for working- - class unity will have its difficul- ties, but it has now been. de- monstrated for all to see that such left-wing unity is possible as well as necessary, In France, the Left has a simi- lar problem. On March 14 there are municipal elections under a new law which would mean de- feat for the Socialists and Com- munists unless they agree to present a united list, Next December at the latest there will be the presidential elections. The only possibility to defeat de Gaulle is again So- cialist - Communist agreement on a common program and a candidate who would enjoy not only the support of Communists and Socialists but of-all those who are opposed to General de Gaulle’s regime. @ The announcement: of the agreement signed by the Com- munist and Socialist organiza- tions in the Paris region for joint lists of “democratic union” in the coming municipal elec- tions is therefore of the greatest Significance, It covers a population of _about six million and 13 percent of the total French electorate, it will ensure the return of pro- gressive majorities in at least 26 of the 39 suburbs of Paris. Unfortunately this is not a national agreement, but there is a. February 5, 1965—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—P no doubt that the example — united action by Socialists” Communists in the Paris will have an effect on 0 areas of the country. The big question still is ther the Socialist leader: consent to an agreement the Communists which W enable de Gaulle to be bé in December. The Socialist presidenti didate, M. Defferre, is § mayor of Marseilles, second gest city of France, but hé came mayor thanks only 1 unprincipled pact with the ¥ lists at the last municipal © tions. Ordinary people are nat asking how M. Defferre cat time accept Gaullist sup when he is standing again® Gaulle for president. Mr. Defferre has so fat fused even to talk with Communists about a CO electoral program for the dential elections and still 1) come to an agreement simil® that concluded in Paris fof municipal elections. 1 Yet it is as plain as 4! staff that only such an ment can ensure the defea the Gaullists and a progreiy majority in the municip as well as a progressive dent in the Elysee Palace. Of course the profes anti-Communists among t cialist leaders as well 4 right wing are claiming © 4 M. Defferre accepts Comm support he will lose. But ©) is no doubt that he cann? without such support. Perhaps even M. Deffert have to learn the lesson Signor Saragat had to lea Italy.