National Liberation Revolutions
Today by K.N. Brutents, (Mos-
cow, Progress Publishers, 1977),
two volumes, 555 pp, $6.95.

Although capitalism may not be
on its very last legs in the world
quite yet, its future does not look
bright. Marxist analysts point out
that this is due to three main fac-
tors: At home capitalists are chal-
lenged by increasing working-
class militancy. Socialist coun-
tries grow stronger each year.
Struggles for national liberation
are denying capitalism its im-
perialist bases of strength.

Detailed Marxist study of the
first two of these factors is well
advanced. Study of national lib-
eration movements is less de-
veloped. Left-wing works on the
subject have often either tried to
fit national liberation revolutions
into the mold of Marxist analyses
of classic pre-capitalist develop-
ment, or they have viewed them
as complete exceptions to basic
historical materialist laws of so-
cial change. K.N. Brutents, a
Soviet specialist on the develop-
ing world, has produced a study
that avoids both these mistakes.

~ National liberation revolutions
are democratic movements for
national self-determination taking
place in underdeveloped coun-
tries striving to follow a non-
capitalist road to development.
Brutents analyzes the specific
characteristics of these revolu-
tions against this background. In
awell documented study, Brutents
draws on the experience mainly
of countries in Africa and the
Near East to find common
characteristics of these move-
ments. Among these characteris-
tics are: coalitions of class forces
in predominantly peasant-based
economies; a mixed economy
with a strong state sector; and an
anti-imperialist orientation with
strong nationalist sentiments.

While national liberation
movements by and large move in
a progressive, socialist direction,
Brutents notes that they ‘can

Brutents discusses increasing links between the national liberation movements and the world socialist and

change their political character
rapidly. Thus, even as Brutents
was writing his work, political
changes in Egypt began to reverse
many of the progressive measures
initiated under Nasser. In a mas-
terly example of dialectical
analysis, Brutents examines the
often contradictory forces at
work in these movements.

NATIONALISM

: Brutents devotes much atten-
tion to this element:

‘*The national aspect, while
appearing as ‘secondary’ with
respect to the ‘purely’ class as-
pect in the general historical
and socio-economic plane, is
not subordinate when one
deals with the political aspects
of national liberation revolu-
tions. What is more, it is even
capable of playing the leading
role in such revolutions ...”’

Brutents sees this nationalism
as progressive, since it is an anti-
imperialist force leading broad
coalitions of people to move away
from domination by capitalist
powers and to adopt some aspects
of anti-capitalist politics and
ideology from the start. At the
same time, Brutents notes how
this attitude sometimes becomes
anarrow “‘parochial nationalism”’
that stands in the way of socialist
development and of seeking rela-
tions with the socialist world.

THE STATE

In all national liberation revolu-
tions, once power has been taken
from colonial or neo-colonial
forces, the state plays a large role.
Key sectors of the economy are
nationalized; education is im-
proved and made universal; in-
come differences are legally nar-
rowed; large-scale capitalist
exploitation is made difficult.
Such states are usually led by a
single political party representing
a coalition of forces. The role of
the leader is more important in

National liberation movements

shaping policy than in developed
countries.

Brutents shows also that while
the state structure in these
societies by and large inhibits
capitalism, there are still some
problems. Political stability is
shaky in a society where much
depends on the personality of a
leader. A major problem in de-
veloping countries is the emer-
gance of what Brutents calls a
“‘bureaucratic bourgeoisie”’
state leaders and civil servants
who abuse their positions to
hoard goods, make deals with
foreign capitalists or become
junior-league capitalists §them-
selves.

CLASS FORCES

The main class forces in de-
veloping countries are: the
peasantry, the national
bourgeoisie, the petty
bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia
(teachers, economists, and so
on), and the working - class. Of
these the peasantry is ‘“‘the main
social basis of the national libera-
tion movements.” For instance,
in Iraq, Syria, and Algeria the
peasantry made up between 60
and 70% of the population on the
eves of liberation, and these were
the countries in which the peasan-
try was proportionately the smal-
lest. In Guinea, Libya, Niger, and
other places it made up 90%.

The extreme oppression of
peasant forces leads to their
mobilization against imperialism.
At the same time, the peasantry
lacks sufficient consciousness or
organization to act politically as a
class, but ‘supports political
movements led by one of the
other classes, often the national
bourgeoisie, sometimes the work-
ing class.

The national bourgeoisie,
though weak, is usually anti-
imperialist; although this role can
change after liberation has been
secured. Brutents also discusses
the role of the working class

communist movements as in the case of the Palestinian people’s struggle.
PACIFIC TRIBUNE—MARCH 31, 1978—Page 10

National liberation revolutions, as in Angola, are democratic move-
ments for national self-determination taking place in under-developed -
countries striving to follow a non-capitalist road to development.

which grows both in, size and
political importance as liberation

movements advance. Of the
“middle strata’ petty
bourgeoisie, semi-proletarians,

civil servants, and the intelligent-
sia — Brutents sees the intelligen-
tsia in one respect as the most
important. Children of the small
number of relatively well-to-do
people in the colonial periods,
they are educated by colonial
powers in the hopes that they will
form a dependable pro-imperialist
administration. This hope has
usually backfired as these edu-
cated few played, and continue to
play, important revolutionary
roles.

INTERNATIONAL
‘RELATIONS

One ideological component of na-
tional liberation revolutions is the
belief that they need not line up
with the socialist world or with
communist movements - in
capitalist countries, but are “‘un-
ique’’ social movements. To the
extent that this idea predomi-
nates, continuing development,
both economically and politically,
is hindered. At the same time, im-
perialism attempts to build up the
national bourgeoisie as a bulwark
against further movement toward
socialism and to strengthen or re-
gain an exploitative foothold.

Brutents discusses increasing
links with the world socialist and
communist movements that
counteract these tendencies. He
notes the increasingly friendly re-
lations between countries of na-
tional liberation and _ socialist
countries, especially the USSR.
Brutents also notes links with
Communist Parties in developed
capitalist countries. For instance,
on-going delegations from the
French Communist Party are re-
ceived in Guinea, Algeria, the
Congo, and Syria.

USE FOR CANADIANS

Brutents’ study should be most
useful for progressive Canadians.
Canadian foreign policy is not di-
rected toward countries of the
developing world in a haphazard
way. With few exceptions, it is
designed to weaken any socialist
orientation and to regain im-
perialist economic advantages.

To combat this and to pressure
for truly constructive aid, prog-

ressive Canadians need to under-_

stand the nature of national libera-
tion movements.

While Brutents does not
examine many countries of the
Caribbean, Central, or South
America, much of what he says
applies to many countries in these
places. We. share a hemisphere
with these countries, and indeed
many new Canadians are immig-
rants from them. Sharing the
same giant imperialist neighbor,

‘Canadian working people also

clearly have a common cause

with the peopleindevelopingparts —
of the Americas. To further this —
" cause we need to learn from and

‘advance the. scientific Marxist
analysis of National Liberation
Movements Today.

— Frank Cunningham

‘Chilean |
song group

Inti Ilimani,
strumental and choral group now
in exile, will play at Convocation
Hall, University of Toronto at

6:00 p.m.-on Sunday, April 9.

Tickets are $5 at the door or from
the Toronto Chilean Association,
St. Paul’s Centre, 121 Avenue
Road.

“Inti Ilimani’’ means ‘‘God of
the mountain’”’ in Quechua, aD
Indian language of the Chilean

the Chilean in-~

mountains. The group plays na- —

tive instruments — bone and

bamboo flutes, string instruments —

made out of armadillo shells, etc.
— and their records are very
popular in North America and
Europe.

Donation $5 (Adults)

Ain

pita
April 9 / 6pm

(chviiren undies 8 nol allowed!)
Children 8tol2 pay hail the price