ie.

PHOTO—CB8C WINNIPEG

The Mounties charging up Main Street firing into the crowds.

By A. T. HILL

_ When the imperialists of Britain,
‘France, U.S. and others began to close
@med ranks with their yester-hour
‘enemy, German imperialism, and
counter-revolutionary intervention
‘arted from the north, south, west and
against the young Russian Soviet
Republic, a mass conference was or-
in the Port Arthur Finnish
Labor Temple to protest participation
“of Canadian armed forces in the im-
' perialist intervention and to establish
“Friends of Soviet Russia commit-
and call for “Hands off Soviet

Prior to that, much radical develop-
had taken place in the Canadian
union movement, which was for
unionism favoring organiza-
il change. While many craft groups
ade unions in Canada were affili-
with AFL, the unorganized basic
tries were being organized by re-
tio socialists. For instance, in
lumber industry I was working
Other socialists from Finland in
and 1916 at the Baccus financed
in Clark Sawmill Co. camps in
’rs and Mine Centre near Fort
28. In 1917 I moved to the Lake-
where organization work was
hued around Port Arthur, as
y Bryan of Hurkett, Ont. joined in
ig to combine the small Finnish

Se) Cc

2 BACON. POR

LsaViewm
A SAUSL GI?

Workers ‘action in
support of strike

was difficult work, and many sitdown
strikes in the camps and walk-outs
were part of the struggle for organiza-
tion. In this process Slovak immigrants,
Norwegians and Swedes later also
joined.

This radical spirit in the trade union
movement was expressed in the seces-
sionist movement around the IWW.
which had been established in the
U.S.A. in 1905, and its Lumber Work-
ers Industrial Union, Local 120, was
utilized by us in Ontario to start the
lumber workers organization.

In Canada it received a much larger
following, as the movement for indus-
trial unionism was springing up in
western Canada among other trade
unionist and the unorganized groups
across the country.

On March 9 to 13, 1919, a conference
convened in Calgary on a plan of in-
dustrial union organization that would
free western Canada from the control
of the Trade Congress whose conven-
tion a few months earlier had defeated
all desires of western Canada union’s
delegations. The new organization was
named “The One Big Union.”

At the beginning of 1919, Cana-
dian union membership stood at
248,887 members. At the end of
that year, it had risen to 378,047—
an increase of 130,000, or over 50
percent.

That followed on the heels of a
metal trades strike in the building in-
dustry that had started in Winnipeg in
February and cotninued to the point
where preparations took place for a Win-
nipeg General sympathetic strike. The
federal government intervened by
Order-in-Council with Section 98
against the leaders.

The conference adopted resolutions
proposing the abolition of the present
system of production for profit and
substitution of production for use. Re-
solutions on free speech and freedom
for political prisoners were followed by
others expressing international solidar-
ity. “That this convention declares its
full acceptance of the principle of ‘pro-
letarian dictatorship’ as being abso-
lute and efficient for the transforma-
tion of capitalisticprivate property to

communal wealth, and that fraternal
greetings be sent to the Russian Soviet
Government, the Spartacists in Ger-
many, and all definite working class
movements in Europe and the world,
recognizing they have won first place
in the history of the class struggle.”

Another resolution declared: “Be it
resolved, that this conference places
itself on record as being in full accord
and sympathy with the aims and pur-
poses of the Russian Bolshevik and
German Spartacan Revolutions, and be
it further resolved that we demand im-
mediate withdrawal of all Allied troops
from Russia, and further, that this con-
ference is in favor of a general strike
on June Ist should the allies persist
in their attempt .. .”

Protest movements developed gene-
rally in defense of strike leaders and
against the Government Wartime Reg-
ulations, as well as in defense of free
speech, freedom of organization and for
self-determination of peoples.

The above mentioned “Hands off
Soviet Russia” committee had broad-
ened in Port Arthur (and in Fort Wil-
liam) into a labor defense committee
in defense of the Winnipeg strike lead-
ers. (I was connetted with both com-
‘mittees.) Therefore in the spring I had
my first visit to Winnipeg to Pritchard,
Evans, Russell, Heaps, etc. and to de-
clare the lumber workers’ and the
whole progressive cultural movement’s
support for them, and asking for their
help to make the issues better known.
That consultation resulted that, in
agreement with the committee, John
Queen would come with me to the Lake-
head. And while there for four days,
street meetings were arranged, and es-
pecially on the second day he spoke
eight hours ‘in Port Arthur main cen-
tral points. At the same time collec-
tions were made for the strike leaders’
defense fund.

In the fall of 1920 the OBU conven-
tion was held in Port Arthur, Ontario,
in which I represented the Fort Frances
area district of the Lumber Workers
union, affiliated to the OBU. In that
Convention a division developed with
the leadership. A majority forsook the
principle of industrial unionism, adopt-

ing the so-called geographical basis,
along with syndicalist attitudes tow
political action. It resulted in disaffilia-
tion or withdrawal of the Lumber
Workers Industrial Union of Canada
(as the union was named in British
Columbia) taking the 27,000 member
section of the lumber workers away
from OBU. The Fort Frances section
also withdrew from OBU and joined
with the above group adopting its
name. Since then it has spread over
Ontario and had mahy experiences and
a change in affiliation and rebuilding
with a special drive leading to a gene-
ral strike of Ontario lumber workers
in 1946. which brought the lumber bar-
ons to their knees and master agree-
ments with the union.

As it can be seen, the Winnipeg
strike in its historical expression placed
the Canadian working class along side
the ‘first working class state power—as
in those years there developed the ris-
ing revolutionary movement of the

working class in many countries.

Following the arrest of the main
strike leaders, Montreal Labor
Council president, J. T. Foster said:
“There is something wrong with
the government of the people,
when it can enact legislation in 25
minutes to arrest labor leaders;
when we cannot in five years se-
cure legislation in the interests of
the Canadian working man... "

It was under Lenin’s leadership that
the international working class repre-
sented the beginnings of a new era for
Russia and the entire world, laying the
actual basis for the world wide strug-
gle between two systems, which sharp-
ens the development of the revolution-
ary era we are living in today that of
socialist revolutions and the liberation

struggles against imperialism.

.

did not know the cause. |

and then
who are striking for a
bargaining and a decent

u it, and the very devil h

ae WHAT THE 1,000 HAS DONE

(Western Labor News, Special Strike edition No. 22, June 11, 1919)

Induced the Dominion government to intimidate postal |
Persuaded the Provincial government to put scabs on the

‘Dictated the ultimatums issued by the city to its em
Insulted the city police, who are the embodiment of law and |

ttempted to prostitute the flag by using it as a decoration

for scabs.
Usurped authority by putting traffic on the streets.
Orford tarseab add tke failed to make good.
ee that it was su the citizens with bread |
and milk. ex. the employees in the bread and mik
industries to the where they quit work.

Said it was not concerned about the cause of this strike and

By its actions the committee of one thousand has earned _
the contempt of all honest men;

il
laws of hell so that no member of the committee

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