th

\hy ¢ @ six-year struggle was conducted

mk
hl they prevailed. By August

| m
byj The the organizations -trying to
Cy erest in and friendship with

1|"F the ‘sib have visited Cuba as part

.
tthe assault on Moncada, July, 1953.

ace July 26, 1953, a group of young
ata sai including Fidel Castro,
“a ed the second largest fortress in
ny: the Moncada garrison.
m lack was put down by the forces
: sffer Fulgencio Batista, who had
© Power a year earlier through a
eich short-circuited the electoral
*S and prevented the probable vic-
At Popular forces.
er the attack on the Moncada bar-

Coy,

Uba

a tevolutionaries, and in Jan-

if the revolutionary government
ized all U.S.-owned companies
Well os cdr 36 sugar mills, as
panes. elephone and electric power
Sent in January 1961, the United
rye Bounced its commercial em-
Matic she Cuba and broke off diplo-
tlations with the revolutionary

a Severnment.
Cuba Ag the official sanctions against
Ween . People-to-people relations be-
States at country and the United
The Gve been growing steadily.
odes a been six Venceremos Bri-
Pople “a the United States, groups of
Wilding ‘ting ge to Cuba to work on
@ country’s economy.

"tional!
Ih

hes the U.S.-Cuba Health Ex-

+ Me Center for Cuban Studies,

‘Utces " Cuba and the Cuban Re-
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1 this j
tens *!8sue we present articles by U.S.

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tt to build understanding and

e
onde:
\ “Ship for that country.

Tre Apes

ty i957 time I went to Cuba was in
NOwn 4, 4, an named Fidel Castro,
Sierra Ae th
it 0 a Mountains with a.small
vatt®tship ighting against the Batista
ty Print
0 th

e
*, The Ceovernment and Castro for-

as
filet as wi To forces were always re-

W

or Shere out. Otherwise the strug-
Me, tis Teedom and the overthrow
“titution S ignored, and the poverty,
th aid an ee went on. .And

° lave Ista.
wet ee 4 worker and active trade
rank a working life. I have
tiene 2® Sho € organizer in the food,
al indnere’ Steel, maritime and elec-

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Union I was secretary of an

alway
Ways been concerned about

0
a all workers, everywhere,
ee I learned from se-
ee me Workers that their
ae ta setae fronts ruled by
ao, Nam, ainly. U.S.) through a
Ni and a qtujal. Except for a few,
Cong oic in Itions ‘were bad. Workers
Ds j € unions.
a Countryside were ap-
etm 80 elect dirt floors, no sanita-
ity we oymen pecily were everywhere.
Ment 88 th, 4S widespread. Illiter-

e
"schoo awe and only the well-off
a ’ “xtreme poverty-was the
Us Ma :
"Solin
Membe, "Ss trade unionist,

the Sixth Vence-
fer this year and

l hay,
orltion
ae

mMmunist Party

lot of the peasantry and workers. Even
the middle class opposed Batista.

Terror and fear dominated the atmos-
phere of a Cuba pregnant with revolution
not yet fully organized. I learned much
later that in the cities and countryside or-
ganization was taking place, led by Fi-
del’s 26th of July movement with the par-
ticipation of the P.S.P. (Communist
Party) and the students. So the successful
revolution led by Fidel Castro was not the
work of a few men in the mountains, but
of difficult and dangerous organization all
over Cuba by a coalition of different class
forces.

The outside world was jolted by the
victory of the Castro forces in 1959. All
eyes focused on this little nation of six
million. just 90 miles from the U.S.. which
for years had controlled Cuban economic
and political life through its Cuban poli-
tical puppets.

In December 1960 I went to Cuba again
with a group called Amigos de Cuba. Dur-
ing. the two years of the revolution an un-
easy alliance between the 26th of July
movement and some anti-Batista middle
class and upper class supporters was in
effect. These unstable class forces did not
want to go beyond some reforms, and they
sabotaged Fidel’s plan for Agrarian Re-

form and the program on which the revolu-

tion came to power.

These counter-revolutionary forces
played anti-communism to the hilt in ord-
er to destroy Fidel’s program for real
change. But Fidel, Raul, Che, Camilo and
the overwhelming majority of the 26th of
July movement saw the danger to the
revolution and fiercely fought anti-com-
munism. They won. —

Urrutia and others were forced to re-
sign. Dorticos became president of Cuba;
agrarian reform advanced; rents were
reduced by 50% — which meant a real
increase in wages. Free medical care
was instituted; army barracks were
turned into schools and a program for
education and school construction was
planned.

But most immediately important for
the revolution was agrarian reform
which guaranteed land to the small peas-
ants, confiscated the huge estates and
built new homes for the peasants at little
or no rent.

Agrarian reform guaranteed firm °

peasant support for the revolution. I visi-
ted the countryside in Pinar del Rio,
Las Villas and Havana Provinces. I
talked with the small farmers. I saw their
new houses and the old earth floor bohios.

In 1960-1961 life was still unsettled in
Cuba. As the U.S. increased its pressure
and gave full support to the counter-
revolution — it prodded the church to
counter-revolution, cut off vital spare
parts, cut the sugar quota and refused to
process Soviet oil — Cuba struck back by
first intervening in U.S. banks and in-
dustries and then nationalizing them.

At the same time, 1961 was pro-
claimed the year of education. A nation-
wide campaign was begun to teach the
alphabet to the peasants in the moun-
tains and countryside. Thousands of vol-
unteers, young teachers and students,
swarmed over the countryside patiently
teaching illiterate workers and peasants
to read and write. Fidel and the revolu-
tionary government knew that knowledge
would release the revolutionary devotion,
energy and initiative to build a new Cuba.

The counter-revolutionaries also knew
what the campaign against illiteracy
meant and were determined to stop it.
They tortured and murdered many young
teachers and their students, but the cam-
paign went on and did its 00. cae

In 1973 I met some of the illiterate
peasants and workers of 1961. Many held
‘responsible jobs in all sectors of the econ-
omy — trade unions, schools, industry,
and the Communist Party. They are proof
that an educated working class and peas-
antry are capable of running the most
complex economy and the machinery of
state. ,

When I returned to the U.S. on Jan-
uary 3, 1961, I learned that the United
States had broken relations with Cuba.
This meant that Cuba was ‘in danger of-
a military invasion by the U.S., so we

The 6th Venceremos Brigade relaxes for a while.

iHAN VENCIDO!

They have won!

By Julius Margolin

Armando Broche Venceremos Brigade

set out to warn the people. We organized
demonstrations and urged opposition to
any such aggression. Meanwhile, thous-
ands of Batista assassins and politicos,
the dispossed rich and middle class,
poured into the United States, hoping to
organize a counter-revolution. They col-
lected millions of dollars from U.S. sup-
porters for such an invasion.

Meanwhile, many of these Batista Cu-
bans got jobs while millions of American
workers were unemployed, proof that
U.S. capitalism is patriotic only to prof-
its. :

Later in 1961, I went to Mexico City
as a delegate to the first Latin American
Conference for Sovereignty and Independ-
ence of Latin America. The conference
warned against U.S. aggression in Cuba
and Latin America and organized for
world-wide protest.

A short time after my return, I was
elected secretary of the New York Fair
Play for Cuba Committee.

When‘ learned this year, 1973, that the
Venceremos Brigade was planning its

Venceremos Brigade

sixth contingent to Cuba, I volunteered to
go and work in the construction of work-
ers’ houses, schools, hospitals.

When we arrived in Cuba, we were
welcomed as brothers and sisters — Cu-
bans see a big difference between the
people of the U.S. and their reactionary
big business government. The Cubans and
their government want friendly relations
and trade with the United States, but only
ona basis of complete equality. They
want the embargo and blockade lifted,
the return of Guantanamo and the end of
U.S. interference in Latin America, We
heard these reasonable demands where-
ever we want.

From José Marti airport we were
taken to our camp “Julio Antonio Mella”
in Havana Province. Here we lived and
worked on the construction of a new town,
named “Los Naranjos."’ For six weeks
we worked on constructing workers’ hous-
es and on a ditch for a pipeline. to carry
water to these houses.

It was a hard-working brigade, and
we were all thrilled to see the houses go
up, day by day. The greatest thrill, though,
was reaching our goal on time, achieving
167% of our plan. Cuban construction work
ers and volunteers worked alongside us
in close comradeship and we developed
the warmest relationship and lasting af-
fection for each other-

I was an electrician before I went on
the brigade. But Cuba gave me another
skill — I became a cement finisher and
mason. I got a real bang every time my
Cuban work partner and teacher, Broche,
slapped me on the back and called me a
“tecnico.”. and when the other skilled
construction’ workers did the same, I
knew I had a new skill.

After the six weeks of work ended, we
traveled throughout Cuba. It was hard to
say goodby to our construction comrades;
they gave us a taste of what future human

relations can be.
See. MARGOLIN pg. 6

Celebration in 1959 The banner reads: Agrarian Reform Will Take Place __
_ , PACIFIC, TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, AUGUST 3, 1973—PAGE 3

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