A LOOK AT RECENT FEDERAL-PROVINCIAL PARLEY Widening cracks in Confederation panered over for a few months By NELSON CLARKE he widening cracks in Con- federation have been papered over for a few months. A deal has been made between Prime Minister Pearson and Premier Lesage of Quebec, which has won the benevolent neutral- ity of Premier Robarts of On- tario, and raised up an angry storm from the western provin- cial governments. In making this deal, Prime Minister Pearson has gone back on his pre-election promise that provincial revenues from income and corporation taxes and suc- cession duties would be equaliz- ed on a per capita basis with those of the richest province— Ontario. Hence, the protests from the West. Premier Lesage on the other hand has retreated, at least for the time being, from his oft- repeated demands for a much larger share of federal revenues, so as to enable Quebec to be the master in its own house. This is what happened at the federal-provincial conference in Ottawa last week, and the point to be emphasized most strongly is that nothing has been solved. The conference will be re-con- vened early in the new year, and few will question the comment of Premier Duff Roblin of Mani- toba when he said that the tax deal worked out at the confer- ence just ended will be a “red hot issue’’ at the next one, There are two ways of looking at the problem which underlies federal-provincial relationships. From the standpoint of Can- ada as a whole, there is the need to organize financial resources so as to strengthen the economy and meet the pressing need for far-reaching reforms with re- spect to health, welfare, pen- sions, and education. At the same time, there is the need to recognize that Canada is a big country with many regional dif- ferences, > The federal government has the most money at its disposal, and can most efficiently carry through over-all measures of economic planning and reform. But it would not be in the best interests of democracy and local well-being if everything was so centralized in Ottawa that pro- vincial and municipal govern- ments, which are closer to the people, were to be deprived of all effective power. There has to be a proper balance struck.» But cutting across these ques- tions is the fact that Canada is a two-nation state, that French Canada is demanding, with com- plete justification, the right to full equality with English Can- ada. There can be no meaningful recognition of this equality be- tween the two nations of our country unless each of them has that control over tax revenues which will permit it to develop its own: economic life as its people see fit. This does not at all rule out a broad measure of voluntary, mutually advantageous coopera- tion between the two nations with respect to economic and so- cial affairs, But before there can be cooperation there must be the recognition of national equality. * * * This points up the urgent need for a new Canadian constitution, for the negotiating on a com- pletely equal footing of a new confederal pact, safeguarding the equality of rights and interests of both French and English Cana- da and containing explicit guar- antees of the right of national self-determination for French Canada. Without such a new constitu- tion, our trouble’ will only deepen. As long as Quebec is regarded as a ‘‘province like other provinces,’’ the just de- mands of French Canada for mastery in its own house will lead only to parallel and unjus- tified demands from provincial governments in English-speaking . Canada which will frustrate the possibilities of urgently needed reforms and steps towards eco- nomic planning which can best be carried through by the fed- eral government. The fundamental difference be- tween Quebec as the territory of the French-Canadian nation, on the one hand, and the nine provinces of English Canada, has . yet to be officially recognized. While the main blame for this blind spot rests upon the leaders of the dominant English-Cana- dian nation, it must be said that politicians like Premier Lesage W HITHER THE N.D.P.? Con’t from pg. 5 forward with another set of poli- cies and tactics. What should they include? Many feel that at least four requirements are neces- sary: (1) A clear recognition of the fact that monopolies—mainly U.S. —own and control our resources, industries and economy and that such ownership and control is against the interests of the peo- ple. (2) A clear anti-monopoly pro- gram based on the needs of the people of B,C. including the re- patriation of our resources and industries, the development of new basic and secondary indust- ries to provide jobs and expand the economy—including a large measure of public ownership and control—for peace and against the stationing of U.S. nuclear weapons in our province. (3) A willingness to put up a courageous fight around such a program, a willingness to ‘‘take on’’ the corporations and the political parties who represent them—to lead a crusade of the people for reforms. (4) But one thing more is re- quired—a policy of unity that will bring together all sections of the people victimized by monopolies, all groups willing to join in the fight. Such unity beeds to be based squarely on labor as the dec- isive force in our province, but at the same time recognizing the imperative need of alliances’ with the farmers and middle class. Such unity would mean opening the doors of the NDP to all unions and groups willing to sup- port it, not just to unions affil- iated with the Canadian Labor Congress. ‘nis, m turn, raises another question. Should the NDP be re- constituted into what many orig- inally thought it should be—a fed- erated labor—farmer party open. to all who are willing to endorse its program of reforms? Should not socialists be free to form their own organizations to put forward their point of view, yet join in such a federated party? Should not the Communist Party be included in such unity? Wouldn't its energy and fighting qualities contribute a great deal? We have a precedent for such unity in the Canadian Labor Party of the 1920’s which was set up by the Trades and Labor Cong- ress and which included the Com- munist Party among it affiliates. The emergence of the NDPSoc-. ialist Caucus as acrystallization of left wing and socialist think- ing, will be welcomed by pro- gressive forces within and with- out the party. But will not its contribution be seriously limited if it confines itself to ultimate objectives like socialism? Is not the need of the moment the development of a genuine anti-monopoly program and the building of all-inclusive unity around it? Is this not the way to victory for the NDP and the people of B.C.? By working for such a pro- gram and policy, while continu- ing its public educational work for socialism, the NDP Socialist Caucus could make a mighty contribution. With such policies to rally the left and the center within the party, the progressive forces who this year constituted a third of the delegates, may next year constitute the majority. That would be a signal victory for labor and the people, are also failing to make clear that Quebec is not just one of 10 provinces. Nevertheless, the realities of the present political situation even now are forcing changes in the relationships between Quebec and the rest of Canada. For example, the Quebec gov- ernment demands its own pen- sion plan in order to bring under public control the large sums of money which will be invested in a pension. fund. It looks now as if Quebec is winning the right to take itself out of the proposed federal pension plan, But these piecemeal solutions are no way to get at the real problems which strike right at the heart of the present state structure of Canada. The real. answer lies in the election of a special constitu- tional assembly made up of an equal nuniber of representatives from French and_ English- speaking Canada which will have the job of drafting a new con- stitution for our country. This is what the prime minister and the premiers should be working on now, and there is no time to be lost. > Sk Se Assuming that it will take from one to two years of public debate to hammer out a new constitution, some temporary measures should be worked out within the present federal-pro- ' vincial framework to better meet the needs of the people. This writer would think that a basis of agreement can be found in the original proposals of the Quebec government which called for turning back to the provin- ces 25 percent of income and corporation taxes, and 100 per- cent of succession duties, to- gether with an equalization grant which would bring the revenues of all provinces from these sources up to the level of On- tario—in proportion to their population. But this arrangement would be useful only under two conditions, both of which have long been in the centre of the demands of the Communist Party. The first is that federal taxes should not be increased to pay for the extra half billion dollars which the Quebec formula would cost the federal treasury. Instead, the wasteful defense budget should be cut. The second, that at least in English Canada the provinces should use the extra money to help meet the costs of educa- tion, to mové towards a greater equality of educational opportu- nity in all parts of Canada, and towards reducing the heavy burden now resting on the shoul- ders of the municipal taxpayers. The Communists are no longer alone in their fight for these conditions. The Toronto Star in its coverage of the conference last week reported: “The Quebec delegation has been pushing the proposition that Ottawa can find new money by reducing defense expendi- tures. They gained a supporter yesterday when Premier Duff Roblin of Manitoba urged Pear- son to scrutinize defense spend- ing and consider whether it would not be better devoted to such fields as education that come under provincial management.” But Lesage and Roblin will lead no crusades for these good ideas. The need is for all demo- cratic Canadians, and especially the labor movement, to come forward now with the strongest demands for cuts in defense spending, for federal aid to edu- cation and along with that for a new made-in-Canada consti- tution. This would guarantee the equality of our two nations, thus making it possible for French- and English-speaking Canadians to work together for the inde- pendent development of Canada, and for the well-being and se- curity of its people. REE distribution of food coupons to low income fa- milies is proposed by the Uni- ted Electrical Workers union in the last issue of their Re- search Bulletin. The article‘*‘Why Not aFood Stamp Plan for the Unemploy- ed?’’ points out that over the past decade the federal gov- ernment, in its attempt to bolster farmers’ incomes, has © held embarrassingly large surplus stocks of butter, cheese, milk powder, pork, beef lamb, berries, apples, potatoes, eggs and wheat, At the same time the famil- ies of the increasing numbers of unemployed have had to ad- just their living standards drastically downward. These two facts point to the desirability of working out some program to assist low income families to increase their food consumption and improve their diets, A food stamp plan, which has been tried out ineight depres- sed areas in the Unites States Why not distribute surplus food stocks? for a couple of years now, has had some good results. Es- sentially the program entails free distribution of food coup- ons to low income families. The value distributed is de- pendent on family income, size and composition. The U.S. experience with this food stamp program has been good for the people con- cerned, good for the farmers, and good for small neighbor- hood stores. Total consump- tion of food products in the tested areas went up by eight percent. During the first year of ope- ration, some 140,000 persons participated in the U.S. food stamp program. The average use of coupons per person per month was $21, of which $13 worth were purchased and $8 were free. Thus the cost to the government was about $96 per person per year. It was estimated that total adminis- trative costs were less than $3 per person per year. } December 13, 1963—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 6