| HARRY POLLITT on ANEURIN BEVAN

a
ae

British people demand change
in Attlee's disastrous policy

‘THE publication of the pamphlet “One Way Only,” with a foreword by Mr. Bevan, Mr. Wilson and Mr. Freeman, is an impor-
tant political event. If the issues raised are seriously taken up and fought for, certain aspects of the government’s present
diastrous policy can be changed. This will only take place, however, if the whole background against which the pamphlet has
been published is fully seen and its significance and portent fully realized.
It is common knowledge that ever since Britain’s support for America’s war in Korea, and Mr. Attlee’s successive an-

nouncements of increased British
Yrearmament since last summer,
there has been in the Labor Party
and trade unions a growing con-
cern over the policy of the govern-
ment as a whole. ,

This has been intensified week
by week. Prices and profits have
Tisen, Wages have lagged serious-
ly behind the cost of living. Cuts
have been made in the social ser-
_ Vices. Britain has more and more
been forced to accept the dictates
of the U.S. on all basic policy
questions.

Alarm

(THESE feelings of alarm and op-
position have been expressed

@® Unofficial conferences of vari-

ous groups within the Labor
Party and the Parliamentary
Labor Party;

® Growing support of the Bri-
tain-China Friendship Association
and the Peace With China Move-
Ment; :

® Signatures for a Five-Power
Peace Pact and, more especially,
in the annual conferences of the
Most important trade unions.

When the preliminary agenda
for the October Labor Party con-
ference is published, it will reveal

Ow deep and: fundamental the
‘differences are between the leaders
‘of the government and members of
the local Labor Parties.

The resignations of Mr. Bevan,
Mr, Wilson aid Mr. Freeman from
‘their Ministerial posts took the
Labor Party by surprise. But they
reflected also this growing concern
and apprehension inside the labor
movement.

Danger
pamphlet recognizes the
” danger of war. It gives a warn-
Ing of the terrible consequences
for Britain which’ American policy
‘can have.

It lays stress on the need for ne-
80tiation. It shows understanding
Of the effect of the present policy
On Britain’s standard of living.

All this reflects what millions of

Workers have been saying in far
™ore forthright language for
months past.
,. That three ex-Ministers, toge-
ther with the other MPs associated
With them, now publicly express
Such views is an indication of the
‘Streneth of the movement of the
People,

It indicates a further sharpen-
ing of the crisis of policy in the -
abor Party. It is an event which
‘ould set in motion. developments
Which could go far beyond what °
,le authors of the pamphlet in-
tend or wish. NS

Indeed, the pressure of the
Workers and the logic of events
eve already, had the result that
Sak Bevan, Mr. Wilson and Mr.

Teeman have themselves gone
Much farther in their criticisms of
ai® government and of America
than “in their resignation state-
Ments, y

Proposals

‘THE pamphlet’ now sets out a
a, : Se of proposals. They in-

', @ A reduction in the armaments
Program; :
1° Negotiations with the Soviet
~hion for a general settlement; ©
the Diminution of dependence on
© United States. and, at home,
ie ‘The use of controls and taxa-
nN of profits to keep down prices
Maintain the social services.
full €se proposals will have the
io, SUPPort of rank-and-file opin- | |
cussed movement.
: uch of the analysis and
qeument there are profound and
Vie amental differences from the
mop Point of the Left in the labor
€ment, particularly the sland-

ers against the Soviet Union and
the support of the Atlantic War
Pact.

Nevertheless, in the present

|situation at home and abroad and

with the relation of forces in
Britain, the adoption of the above
proposals could lead to an easing
in present tensions.

At the same time, these pro-
posals are weakened by the ac-
ceptance of the basic assumptions
of the war policy of the Atlantic
Pact, and the atom bomb bases in
Britain, and the consequent ac-
ceptance of partial rearmament.

Purpose

Yor cannot start on the slippery

slope of rearmament without a
drastic increase in the cost. of liv-

. ing, a redyction in house building,

cuts in the social services, and a
weakening of the basic economy of
the nation.

Not only is: this the case, but-
there is an alternative to rearma- °
ment,

The authors want negotiation
with Russia, are against the re-
armament of Germany, and. want*
a negotiated settlement in the
Far East.

But what is the purpose of ne-
gotiations? Surely it must be to:

@ End the present tensions;

@ Replace the policy of the At-
lantic War Pact with an indepen-
dent British foreign policy. based”
on the United Nations Charter;

@ Reduce armaments;

@® Replace the tensions: by
friendly relations and deyeloping
mutual trade.

Hew much stronger would
have been their position if, in-:
stead of somewhat vague and
unexplained references to “re-
straint” in rearmament, Mr.
Bevan, Mr. Wilson and Mr. Free-
man had come forward boldly
with a clear and concrete pro-
posal; that Britain should take
the lead in urging an allround
reduction in armaments and a
Five-Power Peace Pact.

This is a proposal which they
know, in spite of what they say
about the Soviet Union, would im-
mediately receive ‘the full support
of that country because it corres-_
ponds with what she herself has
repeatedly proposed.

It would also rally the support
of all peace-loving people in Bri-
tain behind the labor movement,
and isolate the: Tories and other
warmongers.

Pact
F the arms drive were ended and

a Five-Power Peace Pact
signed, then it would be possible

ANEURIN BEVAN

HARRY POLLITT

not only to keep down prices, but
to do far more—

® To extend the social services,

® Greatly increase house build-
ing. . :

@ Reduce prices, and

@ Increase wages and pensions.

No Labor worker conscious of
the great issues at stake, can be
satisfied with the statement that
no new policies are needed, and
that “Let Us Win Through Toge-
ther,” the Labcr Party’s program,
can rally and ‘inspire the move-
ment and defeat the Tories.

That is why the trade union con-
ferences and the Labor Party rank
and file are demanding a home
policy of extended nationalization,
reduced compensation, cut profits,
and increased wages and sotial
services.

The important immediate ques-
tion is what must be the action of
the people to fight for the new
policy.

From start to finish there is no
positive indication in the pam-
phlet of what the rank and file
must do to carry out even the
limited aims it puts forward.

Indeed, it is made clear:

“The function of policy-making
lies with the annual conference of
the party, acting on the guidance
and ‘advice of the national execu-
tive committee of the party. What
is here intended is in no sense a
challenge to those authorities.”

Then why has the pamphlet
been written? % on

The foreword says:

“From time to time the affairs
of: mankind converge towards a

climax where a few simple deci- -

sions determine the pattern of
man’s fate for decades if not for
ever. We are at such a point now.

Silence at such a time would be
cowardice.”
Quite true.

Machine

Bet is it heroic not to tell those

~ you do influence what is the
line of battle, to ensure that even
the policy outlined in this pam-
phlet is adopted by the Labor
Party conference in October?

One thing is certain. From now
on, the full force of the Labor
Party machine will be used to try
to defeat the effort of the move-
ment to bring about changes in
policy in general and in rearma-
ment in particular.

Mr. Mayhew’s article in the
Daily Herald attacking the Bevan-
ites, and Mr. Deakin’s defeatist
speech against any further nation-
alization, are already indicative of
what is to come.

Philosophy
fests authors of the pamphlet
frankly say:
“One Way Only — it was per-
haps a dangerous title for us to

choose because it lays us open to

all sorts of criticism . . . there is,
indeed, only one way — a return
to the philosophy in which’ we were
born, and by which we grew.”

I take that to be the. Philosophy
on which the Labor nmtovement
was founded and fought its way
forward.

That basis I believe to be:

® The social ownership of the
means of production, distribution
and exchange;

@ The recognition of the class
struggle;

_ @ A policy of peace and solidar-
ity with the workers in all coun-

‘tries; and

@ The need to fight capitalism
day in and day out with all the
unity, power and strength the
labor movement can organize and
lead.

That is the note completely
missing in “One Way Only”.

Path

1 the long-term program of the
Communist Party, “The British
Road to Socialism,” we have
shown and proved what#is the only
path for the working people of
Britain if they are to ‘secure last-
ing peace and friendship between
the peoples of the world, guaran-
tee the national independence of
Britain, establish new fraternal re-
lations between all peoples in the
Empire and aavance to real de-
mocracy and the building of so-
cialism.

Over 200,000 copies of this pro-
gram have been sold, and un-
doubtedly it has played an im-
portant part in contributing to the
new awakening that has taken
place inside the labor movement.

The tremendous response to
“The British Road to Socialism”
in six great demonstrations at
which this program has been ex-
plained by William Gallacher and
myself, also tells ifs own story.

The Bevan pamphlet is apolo-
getic in tone and lacks a fighting

spirit.
Fight
Cc appears content to make pol-
icy suggestions and then say:
Take them or leave them.
But no one knows better than
Mr. Bevan that social gains
never come of themselves or fall

from the skies. They have to

be fought for.

The pamphlet would have
strengthened its appeal and also
won greater support if the work-
ers knew who had written it and
were endorsing its policy.

To make a decisive change in
Labor policy there must be the
greatest political campaign, ever
organized inside the Labor Party,
with those who have written the
foreword and the pamphlet taking
the leading part. :

This means mass- demonstra-
tions, conferences, publicity for
such gatherings and resolutions
carried in support. ;

Either this, or the pamphlet will
meet the fate of the hopes once
aroused among Labor Party sup-
porters by another pamphlet,
“Keep Left”.

Leadership
N& by private meetings, per-
sonal’ intrigues, pulling of
wires, can the rank and file be
united and organized to change
false policies: and leaders.

That can be done only by lead-
ership, ‘selfless personal activity, a
readiness to unite with all those
who want peace (and a fighting
spirit that does not run for cover
when Mr. Morgan Phillips cracks
a whip).

Sooner or later, all those who
Seriously wish to change the pol-
icy of the Labor Party will have
to realize that it demands as
strong a political fight against the
right-wing Labor leaders as it
does against the Tories.

The publication of this pam-
phlet is a testing time for its pub-
lishers. They say in their fore-
word:

“We would account it frivolous
and barren for anyone from anv
quarter to do anything whick
might in the least impair the
unity and strength of the labo”
movement, either in the industria’
or in the political fields.”

Change

pe policy of the right-wing

Labor leaders has already
done this, thus weakering the
Labor Party in fighting the Tories.
Thus the demand for a change in
policy arises from every section of
the movement. ‘

It is a hundred times right for
the authors to write:

“Silence at such a time would
be cowardice.”

It would. And we sincerely hope
that there will be no silence.

There is such unrest and con-
cern among the rank and file of
the Labor Party, trade unions and
Cooperatives that if a fight is
made for a real change in policy,
that fight can be won at the Labor
Party conference.

Some of the barriers preventing
united action by those who desire
a basic change in Labor Party
policy can be*broken down. A unit-
ed fighting mass movement based
on socialist principles can be cre-
ated.

That would spell the doom of
any hopes of a Tory victory at the
next general election.

QUGUUUDOUEUNSEU DUCT AEDEOUEUETEUEUEOCUUUEEOEUEEOQUDEEEUE EELEDEBEEEUE TELE EEE EEE EES OE
If the issues raised by the Bevan group in the British Labor
Party are taken up seriously and fought for, certain aspects of
the Altlee government's policy can be changed, the leader of the
British Communist Party declares.
TOUUEEUUUGUASOUOMUDEUDOCOUSUCEOCOEEU QU ETU CCEA EA TTE EE EEU EEC E EERE

PACIFIC TRIBUNE — AUGUST 3, 1951 — PAGE 5

“Sage