from page 9 Attention was given to organization in the Interior, where conditions were reported to be ‘terrible’. The War Labour Board approved the negotiation of a second week’s vacation. The power saw problem was tackled by demanding that fallers and buckers should not be expected to own their own saws. 1946 Events in 1946 revealed a turn toward a more militant policy by the Union, and greater efforts on the part of the Communist Party to retain control in face of mounting opposition. ‘‘White blocs” started to form in a number of Locals, with the purpose of regaining rank-and-file control of the Union’s affairs. The 1946 Ninth Annual District Convention adopted three demands: a 25-cent an hour wage increase, a 40-hour minimum work week, and union security. In April the Union rejected an offer of 12’ cents and a 44- hour minimum week. Strike committees were set up. Chief Justice Gordon McGregor Sloan was appointed by the Federal Government to investigate. The War Regulations were still in effect but the Union refused to call off the strike until all demands were met. During the investigation the Union rejected Sloan's proposals of 15 cents an hour with a 44-hour week, and the irrevocable voluntary check-off. His proposal was only 2! cents higher than the employers’ offer. On May 28 the Union was on a strike which lasted for 37 days. The significance of this strike was that for the first time the Union organized industry-wide strike action; 37,000 strikers returned to work, upon acceptance of Sloan’s proposals which gave the Union 15 cents, the 40-hour week, and the irrevocable check-off as well as the elimination of the ‘‘no strike”’ pledge. In the same year the Interior employers signed for a 24 cent over-all wage increase, and the 44-hour week. Some interesting figures were reported at the 1947 con- vention. Membership when the IWA had become a CIO affiliate, was 2,500. In 1939 this had declined to 226. Membership in- creased after the 1946 strike. 1947 The 1947 demands were for “$40 for 40 hours,” a 20-cent increase, a firm 40-hour week, and union security. The main fight in 1947 was for an interpretation of the contract clause negotiated the previous year regarding the hours of work. Finally the Union accepted the verdict of Mr. Justice Bird, that the 48-hour week should prevail in the woods. The Union attempted to re-open the contract on wages, but was refused by the employers. Board rates were boosted in that year from $1.50 to $2.00. The District Officers launched a campaign against what they described as “red-baiting,” directed against the ‘white blocs” which were active in that year. 1948 The Eleventh District Annual Convention, 1948, approved demands for wage increases, a Health Plan, and Union security. A settlement was made in September, 1948, for 13 cents across the board or 11 percent with retroactive pay. Shift differentials were included to make the package worth about 24 cents, it was claimed. The “October Revolution” in 1948 opened another chapter in the Union’s history. n Lumber Worker — Special Edition 10/The Western Canadia The “Oc A Communist plot to wreck a Union the Communists could longer rule was foiled by the |WA members who rallied to the defence of their Union when, in October 1948, a small LPP-Communist group manipulated District Council secession from the IWA. The co spirators set up the Woodworkers’ Industrial Union of Canada (t “wooies”) and under this guise seized all the assets of the IWA. On the staunch loyalty of the IWA membership saved the Union fro complete disaster. ‘ The plot had been “cooking” for over a year, and was unvelldll October 3, 1948, when the following resolution was moved an carried, with E. Dalskog in the chair. : : “Resolved: That this duly constituted quarterly meeting of the B.C. District Council, | IWA-CIO, assembled in Vancouver, October 3, 1948, hereby: 1. Declares the disaffiliation and severance of all connections between said District Council and the International Woodworkers of America, ClO, as of the time of the passing of this resolution. 2. Declares that hereafter the said District Council shall be known as the Wood- workers Industrial Union of Canada with such Constitution and By-laws as may be adopted later at this meeting. 3. Authorizes, sanctions and approves the immediate transfer of funds, property : and assets of the said District Council to the Woodworkers Industrial Union of Canada. 4. Urges the immediate disaffiliation of all Local Unions of the IWA in British Columbia from the IWA-CIO. 5. Urges the immediate transfer of the membership of all Locals and sub-Locals into the WIUC. Be it further resolved: That we call upon every woodworker in British Columbia to throw his or her full support into strengthening our Union for the struggle that lies ahead. Drive out the splitters and disrupters. Defend the Union. Build the Union.” This barefaced rape of a Union outraged every trade union principle for it was a flagrant and dictatorial violation of membership rights. It was a gross violation of the IWA Constitution and was im- mediately denounced as such by IWA members in all the Locals who fought to preserve their rights. Never had they sanctioned such a surrender to Communist rule. The 1948 upheaval was a turning-point in the affairs of the IWA. It must be regarded in the light of the developments which arose out of the early days of the Union. Communist influence in the |WA may be traced to the days of the Workers’ Unity League, and the period which followed the Russian Revolution of 1917. Workers in the Western world were excited by the revolution of the Russian workers and peasants and were at first entirely sympathetic. This sympathy cooled when agents of the Soviet Union demanded that Canadian workers take the same course of action under entirely different circumstances. } The fiery Socialist orators who had done much to activate trade union organization after World War | threw their energies into the organization of the OBU, which proved to be an impractical dream. Later they became absorbed in the organization of a political party — the CCF. The real cleavage between Socialists and Communists came iti 1921. Canadian Socialists and trade union leaders rejected the proposal to form an underground revolutionary movement. They preferred to rely on the known democratic procedures. ] As a matter of fact, Communists here spoke a different language than Communist leaders in the Soviet Union. Lenin had predicted tha social change would develop in North America through parliamentary democracy in much the same manner as the Labour Party rose to power in Great Britain. Communist Party members who were assigned to trade union work had definite ideas about the dictatorship of the proletariat. They were well trained for their jobs. They took an attitude toward the employing class that appealed to the rank and file who felt the burden of greedy profit-making. Communist Party leadership filled a vacuum. Any account of the period prior to World War | is bound to record that the rank and file |WA members were not adverse to Communist leaders, provided they took a militant attitude on question of wages’ and working conditions. Traditionally, woodworkers in British Columbia have firmly believed in freedom of conscience on ideologica! questions, and have resented anything in the shape of “witch- hunting.” IWA members bitterly resented steps taken by the U.S: Immigration Department to refuse entry for the elected officers of the IWA because they were known to be or were suspected of being Communists. adherence to the Communist “line” to the poi : ({ point where open cleavage with the trade union movement at large was evident. ‘ :