English-born
freelance writer, author of seve-
ral books on China:

I TALKED just now of the Bri-
tish rhetoric of justification:
The United States has deve-
loped its rhetoric of justification,
which in. terms of history will
seem just as hollow.

This network of power — the
basis of which is “what. we have
we shall go on holding” — has
been explained to the people of
the United States as being neces-

-Sary for the defense of freedom

and democracy. These are great
words but they are being pros-

stituted, are being used in wrong
ways. :

Just look at the people the
United States has supported
Since the last war: the Syng-
man Rhees, the Batistas, the Bu
Nus, the  Trujillos, Franco,
Chiang Kai-shek, Ky, Diem, the
broken-down miserable dictators
in South America.

\

JOHN MENDELSON, left-wing
British Labor Party MP and lec-
turer in economics:

ET’S go to another strand,

a very dangerous strand,
that has also helped form
American opinion, It is the de-
liberate creation in the United
States -by Senator McCarthy,
and others, of an anti-Commun-
1st_ psychosis which has pro-

duced great damage to the minds

of many Americans. And the
death of the unlamented sena-
tor from Wisconsin has not pro-
duced radical change in that res-
pect. There are too many res-
pectable people who at the time
of Senator McCarthy either sup-
Ported him or did not dare to
Speak up against him. He had
too long a run,

Then there is the China Lobby.
People are paid a hundred thou-
Sand pounds a year in order to
persuade members of the Con-
ress and the American people
that it wag impossible for the

‘Canada

CHESTER RONNING, former Can-

adian High Commissioner te

India and w recent peace emis-
sary to Vietnam:

HEN I eriticize the “con-
tain China” policy of the
Western powers, remem-

ber I have stated that as far as
anada is concerned we are
completely responsible for our
own foreign policy and we can
blame no foreign government.

If we choose to accept the
Policy of the United States that
's_our business; and we have
Supported that policy, which is
based in my opinion on a com-
Pletely fallacious analysis: that
Mao Tse-tung was a puppet of
the Soviet Union when he took
Power in 1949, that if they had
4" Opportunity the Chinese peo-
ple would soon throw out the
New government and welcome

None of these people have the
faintest glimmering of an idea
of what either freedom or demo-
cracy means. They have been
chosen to look after the United
States’ interests.

This is the world that China
is looking on, and they feel that
the greatest challenge to the
American system is going to

come not in a direct military

confrontation, because that
would mean universal suicide
and they’re not foolish; they
don’t want to commit suicide.

They. believe that the real
Achilles’ Heel of the great Ame-
rican power system is the ordi-
nary people, the power of the
ordinary people around the
world.

Now the Chinese, I think, are
dead right when they say that
there is a revolutionary poten-
tial building up in the poorer
countries of the world. Some of
it may not yet be ready for revo-
lution, some of it may be lack-

Chinese to have a triumphant
Communist revolution unless
there had been some American
betrayal somewhere along the
line. Nothing is more dangerous
to the mind of a nation than for
many of its members to be blind-
ed to the actual course of his-
tory by a sense of having been
betrayed ...
* ® *

When you travel in the United
States today, as I have recently

on an extended lecture tour, you

find many different opinions.
You find a great deal of open-
mindedness, among many thou-
sands and hundreds of thousands
of Americdns. You find many
critics of the President’s policy
in Vietnam. You find many peo-
ple are deeply troubled in mind,
who are as much concerned as
anyone in this hall or in the
United Kingdom or anywhere
else, about the kind of war that
is being waged in Vietnam at

the present time. But you also -

find large numbers of people

ing political leadership, but as
time goes on in each country
you’re going to find a revolu-
tionary movement. And a per-
fectly legitimate growing revo-
lution... :

* x x

Vietnam has become a pivotal
struggle. I suppose that another
sort of historical pivotal struggle
was the Spanish Civil War. By
this I mean that much more than

the future of Spain depended on -

the outcome of what went on in
Spain. And the Chinese, I think
rightly, have concluded that the
Vietnam struggle is one of these
pivotal wars and that much more
will hang upon its outcome than
just the future of Vietnam. And
1 might say that the Vietnamese
feel the same way. For we have
here a confrontation by the
greatest military power with all
the paraphernalia of military
might, and a small peasant na-
tion, one twenty-eighth the size
of the United States, standing

who can be convinced of vast
Communist conspiracies going
on all over the world and almost
incapable in the short run of
accepting the evidence when it
is being offered to them...
* Re e

Washington and many other
places in America is full of peo-
ple who have realized for some
years now that it is in the best
interest of peace and in the best
interests of the American people

' to improve American relations

with China, to open a new deal
and to have a better policy. But
they face one tremendous ob-
stacle at home. Ever since the
time of Mr. Dulles, there is the
great danger in the minds of
every administration in Wash-
ington that if they radically
change policy towards China,
they would be bitterly attacked
at home as being “soft on Com-

-munism.” ., .

* * x
I believe that one of the es-
sential preconditions of a settle-

ea rR TE

ee eT

up to them. .
* * *
If the United States is blind

enough to attempt to secure a
military victory in Vietnam, and

the Chinese, I feel, will be deter- ©

mined to come to the assistance
of the Vietnamese to prevent
such a military defeat, then I
think we are indeed on a col-
lision course .. .

x x *

I feel, having been to China
and talking to the people there,
and after talking with the lead-
ers in North Vietnam, that we
are indeed on the brink of a
major catastrophe in the Far
East. And I think if there is one
thing that we should recognize
here in Canada, it is that the
United States is still susceptible
to some kind of persuasion from

abroad.

I am as sick at heart over
some of the mealy-mouthed stuff
that is coming out of Wilson and

ment (in Vietnam) will be an
agreement that the whole of
Vietnam must be militarily neu-
tral and that there must be a
firm guarantee by the Soviet
Union. Britain, France, Vietnam
and the United States of Ameri-
ca that that could be so.

I am equally firmly convinced

‘that, at the present time, the

decisive stumbling block in
Washington to start peace nego-
tiations going is the insistence

' of the strategists and some peo-

ple in the State Department that:

. they want to keep a large force

based in South Vietnam and a
government in Taiwan always
willing to follow American
policy. That is the real obstacle
and not the often-repeated pro-
paganda line that the govern-
ment: of North Vietnam doesn’t
wish to negotiate. In fact, both
sides at times have refused to
negotiate. It is the not much
spoken of strategic considera-
tions that are the real stumbling
blocks .. .

could begin to change t

the return of Chiang Kai-shek.
No one can believe in this an-
alysis any longer.

The tragedy is*that the policy
based on this analysis is still
going on — 17 years after the
new regime came to power. And
the new regime today is no
longer the government of the

poor, downtrodden, humiliated
nation; a new world power has
emerged...

* “ i

We have excluded 700 million
of the world’s people from all
of the international delibera-
tions on the problems that face
the world...

x * x

What about Vietnam? We put
the responsibility on the other
side but it is time that we in the
West accepted some responsibil-
ity for recognizing the situation.
China is not behind the war. It,

- that

like other wars of liberation, is
based upon a local situation...
bal * *

We now have a choice in the
West: we can either choose the
mailed fist of China or the olive
branch clutched by that fist...

en ee

Our trade with Communist
China is based today on certain
specific reasons and without go-
ing into them I merely will state
without diplomatic rela-
tions, without political relations,
without a working political un-
derstanding with a country as
big as China our trade relations
are based on precarious sands.

And we should capitalize on
this (the trade relations) by go-
ing ahead to diplomatic recogni-
tion of China so that we can
feel more related to China. I
don’t say that as soon as you
have recognized the Peking re-

gime that Canada will have very
miraculously a powerful ‘influ-

ence on the government in Pek-

ing in order to bring it to nego-

. tiations in the East...

* * *

As to the United Nations it is
not a question of inviting China
in, it is a question of deciding
who shall be represented in the
U.N., which government, the
government in Taiwan or the
government in Peking. I think
most people agree that it is in-
evitable, it is only a question of
time. But I think time is of the
essence today ...

x * *

1 don’t say that the immedi-
ate recognition of the People’s
Government and opening the
doors of the U.N. is going to
have’ any miraculous results.
AIL] say is that it may be a be-
ginning to change the trend of
the escalation of tension in the

—— ee

SE ee ea ee chem ce Sears

Vietnam a historical pivotal struggle’

FELIX GREENE,

Co. as you must be. All I hope
is that your leaders here will not
be as mealy-mouthed and will
say exactly where the Canadians
stand on this thing and that
Canada might give a lead which
perhaps the British might follow.

Tf, in fact, sufficient world
pressure can be applied, the
United States might still come
to its senses on this Vietnam is-
sue and do the only thing that
is really open to it, the only
thing that wil regain it the good
will and prestige of the world,
and that is to withdraw and
leave the Vietnamese alone.

Others countries have with-
drawn: Khrushchovy withdrew
from Cuba, the British withdrew
from Suez—I think the United
States might yet be persuaded
that the only way to regain their
position is to withdraw. And a
great sigh of relief would go up
among the ordinary people of
the world from one side of the
globe to the other.

ashington is chief obstacle to peace’

At the present time, the Am-
erican government will do every-

_thing it can to prevent a vote ir

the United Nations which would
present the administration with
a fait accompli. I am convinced,
and remain convinced on the
basis of the evidence, that it is
our task — Britain, France,
Canada, India and many other
countries — to go right ahead,_
to say to our American friends:
“This is so vital to international
peace that we must do what we
believe to be right: to vote Chi-
na into the United Nations, to
vote the Republic of China out
of the Security Council.”

And I hope and am convinced
that it will be much easier for

an American administration to

present such a decision to the
American people as an accom-
plished fact, representing 95
percent of world opinion, with
which then-the American people
would have to fall in.

e trend’

Far East and possibly the esca-
laiton of the war in Vietnam
which could bring in the in-
volvement of Communist China.
pS ticks test te
Neither. China nor the US.

wants to become involved but

escalation step by step is get-
ting dangerously close to the
place where China will get in-
volved and as soon as China
thinks its national security is
endangered China will come

across into North Vietnam just —

as assuredly as she came tc
North Korea across the Yalu
River when the power sites
which supplied the only power
for the Manchurian industry
were in danger...

oo * *

I would like to leave with you
the message of four Chinese
symbols:
Family.

October 28, 1966—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 5

Under Heaven One

SS

Same ww apna ere= O

ca