The case against capital punishment By PAUL BJARNASON VER since the beginning of recorded history the insti- tution. of capital punishment has been in vogue in ail, or nearly all, political sections of the world, and until the last few generations the wisdom and propriety of it was never seriously questioned. To the rulers of states and empires human life was al- - Ways very cheap. To keep the public in obedience and awe, the threat of death by decree Was thought to be the most effective method of discipline Within the power of man. A great many people in our part of the world base ard Justify that attitude on the first divine pronouncement in Genesis: “The wages of sin is death.” True, the biblical god did Not set the example directly by executing the first murder- er, Cain, forthwith. The ver- dict was implied through the Sentence already passed on Mother Eve, and. the delayed implementation was soon rec- tified through the enactment of the Mosaic Law: “A life for - a life, and eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth” — also di- vinely inspired, Consequently the Church, as @ regular thing, has looked upon capital punishment as a Sort of a divine institution to fill a regrettable need; and the Church has always had a bowerful influence on the mul- titude. For some reason the counter- Commandment, “Thou shalt not kill,” has never acquired the Same prestige. Generally it has €en interpreted to apply only to the lowly. * Old customs are not easily discarded, no matter how over- Whelming the evidence against them. He who advocates the ‘Overthrow” of any of our Cherished institutions is Promptly labelled a subversive and a bad citizen. Who would be so bold as to question our ideology and our traditions? Is Not that the essence of treason? However, deep down in the . Consciousness iof even the most Teactionary of men there is the feeling that progress is really @ desirable thing, and most of them give it at least some lip Service. But progress presup- boses change — and there is the rub! Can we afford to change “our way of life” and FS ({ fC s od i “< = é a t. ey IER a Pot we | as HUMANITYPS JusTite/” Fi na os € our old faiths for even patently beneficial facts? That comes hard to the solid citizenry; but somehow it has happened now and again, or we would still be where we were in the be- ginning. It» would be idle to enlarge upon the civic justice of the present day, for, broadly speak- ing, there is hardly any. Our courts, in the main, are perhaps trying to do their best to give the public a square deal, but under an economic system whose every trend inures to crime it is impossible for them to turn out a comfortable re- sult. The magistrates do not in- itiate the laws. They are only expected to interpret wisely and well — after they have been torn to tatters by con- tending advocates — and to prescribe the penalties. They must, first of all, satisfy the powers that placed them there, and also appease the public as nearly as they can. If the people, under the in- fluence of a sensation-loving daily press, clamor “Give us Barrabbas!” then who is going to blame the modern Pilates for what they do? They are but children of their time and understand the basis of crime perhaps as little as the average man. Through constant contact with the sordid side of human behavior they naturally de- velop a disgust, a loss of sym- pathy, that breaks out in ever stiffer sentences, in the desper- ate hope that such a method may awe the erring into peni- . tence and be a lesson to those who are still at large. The campaign of frightful- ness advocated and actually tried in the First World War wag founded on, the same idea, as was also the Spanish In- quisition of an earlier age. * Though we may entirely dis- regard the obvious fact that no one is personally to blame for his conduct, that he is the product of heredity and en- vironment, it has been proved conclusively by eminent pen- ologists that the more severe the punishment is, the less of a deterrent it proves to be. So, even if we overlook the question of justice and con- sider it only from the hard, cold, but ever unbiased stand- point of science, we have to admit that all punishments are not only ineffectual, but posi- tively aggravating. They de- base, not only the victim, but also those who dictate the pen- alties and the multitudes whose attenion they arouse, as well as paining and injuring the in- nocents amongst the near of kin on both sides. Normal people are not natur- ally bad. In spite of a cruel and degrading environment they are often surprisingly decent. A few, of course, are incorrigible by reason of hered- - itary defects, for which they are in no way to blame. They are simply moral cripples who should be treated and cared fon like any other patients, in- stead of being abused and pun- ished for the sins of their fathers. All others who run afoul of the law are misused and misled by society. and hence drift into error and crime through the force of circumstances, for which they, again, are in no way responsible. The struggle for a living, as conducted by society up to the present, inevitably creates the crimes that occur and the for- tunates at large who get by through better luck or more strength are in fact guiltier, were there any guilt, than the ones who fall. Economic conditions are the cause of all ordinary crime, and those who cause the hard- ships for the weak are there- fore those, if any, who should be punished. Bad economics, always even- tuating in gross inequality and distress, cultivate and foster the crimes that disgrace our civilization, and the customary administration of so called jus- tice, instead of doing every- thing in its power to expose the cause and reclaim the fal- len, adds injury to error by practising the same principle as a prerogative of the state. Crimes of passion or for some great hypothetical profit have a compelling, though spurious, basis; but manslaughter in cold blood, without thinkable bene- fit to anybody, is pure and simple savagery. * While the youth of the Jand are being deliberately trained in the art of killing, for the sole benefit of the few that have the power to dictate our way of life, one can not expect much solicitude for the com- mon welfare or the dignity of the individual. From what was then the im- munity of Washington, Presi- dent Harry Truman, 12 years ago, ordered the dropping of atom bombs on a half million civilians, and was actually en- couraged to boast about it. Governments still speculate and speak with casualness of plans to annihilate the entire population of nations. In such an atmosphere is it to be wondered at that odd in- dividuals imbibe the philo- sophy and act upon it in their own spheres? So long as those who make and administer the laws con- tinue to prescribe and practice manslaughter, both in war and peace, regard for life among the lowly is naturally bound to suffer. Life becomes cheap to them, as it is to the state, and respect for all other virtues follows in its train. It is reliably reported that three out of every four killings are done with firearms, and surely pocket-guns are used for no other purpose. Yet pocket- guns are made in quantity and sold to all and sundry with little reservation. Can it sur- prise anybody, then, that they are put to use occasionally? The proffered supply is a tacit invitation. The one who pulls the trigger is only the last actor in the drama, but by no means the only one. We are all to blame, including the judge in his high seat of sanct- ity, so it behooves us to look at ourselves before depriving any fellow being of his life. Let us abolish forever the crime of capital punishment. Let. the Sunday-saying, “We are our brothers’ keepers,” begin to mean something more than strong enclosures — or the noose. That the Not guilty pag BJARNASON of Vancouver, the author of this poem and the article on this page, is known in Ice- landic communities in this and other countries, and in Iceland itself, as an outstanding poet These verses are taken from his poem, “Not Guilty,” an original work published in his work, Odes and Echoes. At school he was ordered to push and compete Ts prey on the weaker and strive for a seat Where honor and ease were the prizes. In church he was told that the Christian goal Was to capture a berth for his own little soul, And prey as the preacher advises. He learned from his cronies to lie and deceive, To lurk in the darkness and byways to thieve, A. course that his conduct was shaping. No father commanded, no mother implored; By most of the “great” he was shunned and ignored. “What chance has his class of escaping? Ye judges, I ask who is innocent here? Who offered a lead to a nobler career, rest of his bents might awaken? Who showed him the path to his portions of earth, The plenty the toilers had left him at birth, And his purse that the pirates had taken? eK His parents were wealthy and born to the blood. No beggar was he in the slums and the mud. Not much was denied him that money could buy. His mates in the play were the rich and the high. So when he in turn threw his hat in life’s ring, Of hardship and troubles he knew not a thing. He graded/all men as the good and the bad. The good were the smug and the idle who had. The poor were to him as the ass or the ox, Just an ancient need, like the goose to the fox. So when he developed a craving to kill, His conscience felt but an innocent thrill. He had, like the other, been often misled. He honestly thought he had paid for his bread. He thought that the buying of bonds on the mart, And bleeding the toilers, was doing his part. So when you are tempted to censure his sin, Be sure that you probe where the efforts begin. and _ translator. * PAUL BJARNASON APRIL, 26, 1957 — PACIFIC TRIBUNE—PAGE I] |