a oan ened manner ClO MIAMI CONVENTION ~ 30) with wage negotia- a. in 1968 covering sev- 7 members, the AFL- ; Constitutional Conven- 200 delegates are turning to any Washington Seeking curbs on mem- demands for substantial Mtreases, President John- Blea for wage restraints + 8 Cold reception from Kaders whom newsmen 0 here. 7 Abel, president of the © Steel Workers Union, Xecutive board in a spe- ‘Sion, rejected any no- pledge or arbitration in _ Rg negotiations covering “nillion workers, said he j..cel there was any jus- /! for restraint in wage oS, i, Pointed to the enormous wand dividends of industry Vt profits after payment i. Skyrocketed 7414 per- tWeen 1960 and the first 967, while wages in the Peridd increased 54 per- Sekly take home pay of ieee factory worker, with “Pendents, increased only ub and in terms of buy- Wer merely 11 percent. pensation per hour for ' Mcreased only 2.6 per- 4,Y€ar, while the real vol- ieputput per man-hour rose wctly rate of 3.6 percent, there was no effort to " these profits or divi- 8nd asked why labor be asked to limit its de- 'n 1968. 88 a pretty pious non- ed Jerry Wurf, presi- the State, County and | fin here in the plush ball- | Moms of the Gold Coast, SL-CIO president George |4, Oils to put the Member labor organi- he heads, on record €rica’s growing peace ®nt and those in the labor Who favor peace. He Sm the 7th. Constitu- — a mandate Suld support the Presi- the very difficult task has under his Constitu- Ybligations as President hited States.” Ister his “leave it to the t” line, Meany lumps , and doves together, § that “escalation of this ‘ld mean World’ War III drawal of the Ameri- Tes would eventually Orld War III.” Ut admitting that elec- cks in 1966 were a the pro-war policies of those who backed him, Nt down to defeat in the Meonal and State elect- thy told the delegates “Port that the 1966 elec- a a catastrophe and re- 1 firming up the GOP- t coalition. “fates that anyone who Yndon Johnson is la- hemes. He asks the dele- fe what is the main Nswer to 1968 is to warn - Municipal Workers Union, in answer to President Johnson’s call for restraint on wages in forthcoming negotiations. “TI cer- tainly would have been impress- ed if Johnson had twisted the arm of the steel companies.” P. L. Siemuller, president of the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Work- ers, declared that rise of produc- tivity, cost of living would be a real consideration in negotia- tions next summer affecting 250,000 aerospace IAofM mem- bers. He said that aerospace had always followed auto wage talks and results closely and would do so again. The UAW’s vice- president, Leonard Woodcock, in charge of aerospace for that uhion, has said he would be seeking substantial wage in- creases from the aircraft com- panies in 1968. Some 400,000 telephone work- ers, members of the,Communica- tions Workers, are also going into negotiations early in 1968 © (February with Western Electric Company being the kickoff.) Joseph Beirne, president of CWA-AFL-CIO also told news- men that technological improve- ments had kept costs down in the phone industry so that cus- tomary employers claims that wage increases result in price increases will not apply. So far George Meany, presid- ing at the convention has had no comment on the President’s appeal for wage and price re- straints. However, the second section of the Executive Coun- cil’s report on the National Economy had this to say: “If the President determines cause of labor’s difficulties and replies, “the major cause of our difficulty is the situation that has developed in regard to Viet- nam.” Meany told the delegates that 1968 is going to be a fight, and placed it as an attack on what labor stands for, without men- tioning what the fight is going to be about, the candidates, the issues, except his repeated de- clarations for Johnson. - He has kind words for the em- ployers whom he credits with having good relations with labor, giving good contracts and not opposing labor’s organizing ef- forts. No angry word seeps in here against Big Business, anti- - labor legislation filling Congres- sional hoppers, state legislatures. He told the delegates they - should go back home and brag . about the Kennedy-Johnson re-- cord, that it represents progress; Medicare, Federal Aid to Edu- cation, Civil Rights Act of 1964, anti-poverty legislation, Social Security and minimum wage. To read Meany’s report you wouldn’t know that 35,000,000 Americans go to bed hungry every night, that over 4,000,000 are jobless and one third of the jobless are Negroes. Speaking before the Building Trades Department — sessions Meany was forced to reply to mounting criticism and exposure of discrimination in the building trades. Regarding opening the that there is a national emergen- cy to warrant extraordinary sta- bilization measures with even- handed restraints on all costs, prices, profits, dividends, corpo- rate executive compensation, as well as employee’s wages and salaries—he will have the sup- port of\the AFL-CIO.” ’ Secretary of Labor Willard Wirtz, tion when asked if thé govern- ment was\considering wage and price control, said, “we are not even in the ball park as far as consideration of controls on wages and prices are concern- ed.” If Wirtz had even proposed this in his speech here, the flak against him would have been resounding. He spent a full day lobbying here with all the top AFL-CIO officials going into ne- gotiations in 1968. It was obvi- ous he was not helping them to work out demands for substan- tial wage increases, cost of liv- ing clauses, big fringe improve- ments, as is the case of the steel workers. Leaders of the unions here have before them reports from the AFL-CIO Re- search Departments that show industrial production has shot up from an average yearly rate of 2.5 percent in the period of 1953- 1960 to 5.7 percent between 1960 and the. first half of 1967, while in the same period wages show- ed an average rise of 3.4 percent. During those six and one half years, part of the buying power of wage gains was washed out by the rise of living costs, The Consumer Price Index increased at an average yearly rate of 1.7 percent, but 5 percent in the | Meany continues with doors to Negro workers, he re- peated the hoary lie “that for many years you had no appli- cants. My union is one of them. I lived in a city that had a tre- mendous population. We never had a Negro applicant. Oh, there were Negro shops, but they were in a class with other non-union shops. And we didn’t bother them and they didn’t bother us.” Meany was considerably irked at government regulations under the Civil Rights Act, and in many states that under the pres- sure of the Negro rebellions in American cities, have been beef- ed up to stop the flagrant bar- ring of Negro youth from the skilled trades. This he termed “was as if you had a criminal standing at the bar.” To Meany, the rank discrimination of the Building Trades, condoned by him, is‘ not a criminal act. He told the delegates the AFL-CIO will follow only the AFL-CIO policy of non-discrimination and we won’t lower our standards. This was the cue to the Building Trades delegates to continue as they have been doing — which with few exceptions means keep- ing out Negroes, and others, such as Puerto-Ricans and Mexican- Americans. : In a boost for the free enter- prise system, Meany told labor newsmen attending the conven- tion of the International Labor Press Association that “you don’t see a worker at any level who industrial © Wage restraint proposal rejected By WILLIAM ALLAN first half of 1967. The AFL-CIO Executive Coun- cil reports show labor costs de- clining as much as 3.3 percent in the most recent period while produdction rose faster than wages, salaries or fringe bene- fits. In the first half of 1967, pro- duction in manufacturing was more than 70 percent greater than in 1953, but the number of factory workers was not greater. The UAW declares that almost 40 percent more produc- tion is being put out with 25 percent less workers. On rail- roads jobs declined by 600,000 between 1953 and the first half of 1967, and in mining fell 240,- 000. In agriculture almost 2.4 million left the farms for the cities looking for work. The AFL-CIO Executive Coun- cil report reveals that between 1940 and 1967 about 4 million Negroes moved from the South —primarily rural areas—to the cities of the North and West. In 1960 about 40 percent to nearly 50 percent of the Negro popula- tion of 10 major northern and western cities was born in the South. The report declares that al- most 1.5 million Negroes left the South in 1950-1960, follow- ing a similar migration of 1.6 million Negroes in the wartime . decade. This migration is contin- uing at about that rate in the 1960s. For the country as a whole, the proportion of Negroes in city populations rose from less than 10 percent in 1940 to over 20 percent in 1965. In nor- thern and western cities the rise was greater. The AFL-CIO Executive offic: ° ers report continues and ees that the migrants, which incldd- ed Mexican-Americans and Puer- to Ricans, were met with dis- criminatory practices, lack of housing, and the impact of auto- mation on job opportunities for uneducated, unskilled workers. They say nothing about the many sections of American labor that barred these workers from joining certain unions, learning skills, becoming apprentices, or being paid equal wages for equal work — or the absence of any campaign to bring them especial- ly into labor’s ranks. - The rebellions across the Unit- ed States in the last two years of the Negro people have forced the AFL-CIO leadership here to publish three full pages in their report, listing how ghetto resi- dents are discriminated against, the deadly conditions under which they live in slum housing, the massive unemployment, the urban removal which is really Negro removal, lack of schools or youth training. They propose one million pub- lic service jobs for the unem- ployed (they admit there are four million jobless in U.S.) to be paid for by $4 billion in a federal program; two and a half million new housing units each year for the next two decades, | with public housing through new and rehabilitated low-rent homes for the 20 percent of city fami- lies whose incomes are below a decent living standard, with 200,000 low-rent houses for each of the next two years and 500,- 000 a year thereafter. Cold War line doesn’t have a car that he is able to drive, his wife has a washing machine, and all of those things come from the strength of the American econo- my. As you listen to Meany. here, in these posh hotels where rooms are $60 a day for many, $20 for some, you are listening to a vast coverup of what’s really happen- ing in America and the. world. The Executive Council report to the convention however takes a more realistic look at what’s happening. e Corporate profits after tax- es payment skyrocketed 7414 percent. e Dividend payments to stock- holders soared almost 6944 per- cent. e Total wage and salary pay- ments to all employees in the entire economy increased only 54 percent. e Total after tax - personal income to all persons in the en- tire economy rose merely 53 per- cent. e Weekly after tax take home pay of an average factory work- er with three dependents, in- creased only 24 percent—and in terms of buying power, merely 11 percent. e Real compensation per hour from 1960 through 1966 increas- ed only 2.6 percent, while out- put per man-hour rose at a year- ly rate of 3.6 percent. The Exe- cutive Council then adds the wage earners haven’t received a fair share. Yet in the report of President Meany, which accompanies these economic acts, he declares that American society is immeasur- ably better than it has ever been béfore. Better for whom? He then admits that millions of Americans do not share in the continuing affluence and _ first class citizenship remains only a dream to millions. Meany maintains through his report that you can spend to win the war in Vietnam and don’t have to cut funds for social expenditures, though it’s hap- pening every day. But that anyone should work to end the war in Vietnam, that the $70-odd billion a year spent for war, should be transferred to peacetime needs, one needs not look in Meany’s report, or the Executive Council’s millions of words of reports for such an answer. Deep in the belly of Meany’s report you'll find there is a do- mestic crisis in America, pover- ty, slums, low wages, unemploy- ment, lack of schools for the poor, growing crisis in Ameri- can agriculture, but his diagno- sis is, ‘its the responsibility of Congress”. Never the war in Vietnam, the huge armament ex- penditures, the millions spent to subjugate nations shaking off the grip of imperialism. DECEMBER 22, 1967—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 7