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~ Communist view of

black freedom struggle

BLACK POWER AND LIBERA-
TION, A Communist View, by
Claude Lightfoot. 46 pages.
55 cents.

Claude Lightfoot’s ‘Black
Power and Liberation” is a Com-
munist view of the black free-

dom struggle in the United

States, bringing a great deal of:

‘information..to Canadians who
' daily feel its impact in the press
and on the air. :

It is not easy to sum up in a
few words, because its author
has placed the freedom struggle
of the American Negroes in the
vast setting of the contempora-
ry international as well as U.S.
domestic scene—and has done
it well. :

_. When you have done reading
it, you will end up. with many
new questions, perhaps more
than when you began. As you
read it you will feel your confi-
dence in the power of Marxism-
Leninism grow. It helps the

reader to dissentangle himself _

from a welter of confusion about
who and what is right.

Claude Lightfoot ‘places the
need for unity as a “main pre-
requisite” for social advance. He
says “. . . this growing strife
arises from a capitalist system
in decay. But in particular it is
an outgrowth of a war policy
... And yet, at this moment,
there are growing clashes and
cleavages between forces who
have so much in common. The
growing strife -between the

forces who should and must.

unite if ‘we are to overcome’ is
the most challenging problem
facing the people’s move-
ments...”

Struggle is objective reality
and the consciousness of the
participants in that struggle, in
seeing their own struggle for

_ what it is and its interrelation-

ship within society with other
struggles, and its consequences
in bringing about change, stands
at different levels and with dif-
ferent meanings’ for different
people. This is a problem of ide-
ology, says the author, and cor-
rectly points out the urgent need
for a clearly defined ideology in
a struggle which is racing ahead,
and because it is within this
sphere the roots of disunity may
be found.

He singles out the main roots
of disunity, pointing to racism
as the confuser and divisive fac-
tor behind which the real enemy
“big business” hides and be-
comes the “enemy forgotten.”

Another partis the deliberate
organization by the powers-
that-be of the so-called ‘white
backlas ”

The second main development,

says the author, “was the refu- -

sal (in 1964) to seat the delega-
tion of the Mississippi Freedom
Democratic Party at the Demo-
cratic National Convention...
This laid the basis for the ser-
ious division of the labor-liberal-

Negro coalition that followed

1964.” ;

Now, says Claude Lightfoot,
“Leaders of the liberal and labor
coalition also moved in for the
purpose of checkmating the fur-
ther acceleration of the Negro
people’s movement . . .” And the
liberal bourgeois community
joined with the ultra-Right to
defeat the Black People’s move-
ment for radical change.

Therefore, says Claude Light-
foot, “What is most important
is to discover how and why this
poison (racist ideology) can
operate so easily among the
masses. And when this is under-
stood maybe we can ‘over-
come’.”

Another divisive factor the
author points out is the grow-
ing tensions between the work-
ers as a result. of the scientific
and technological revolution,
growing housing problems—all
of which is fed by white chauv-
inism. The competition between
the. workers, as we all know, is
being used by the business com-
munity for its benefit.

He then approaches racism
from the point of view of “black
nationalism.” He compares
black nationalism, today with the

‘past; examine its: sources; and

discusses the attitude Commu-
nists ought to have toward it.

Its historical roots go back to
the white community and its re-
jection of the Negro as part of
it; the forcing of Negroes to live
in ghettos; the mass poverty of
the Negro; discrimination and
inequality—all of which compels
the Negro to consider that “good
will’ or “moral persuasion”
won't work.

The author considers an im-
portant factor to be the growing
consciousness among Negroes of
their real stature in life—the de-
velopment of pride in themselves
and their color—fed and nur-
tured by the growing role Afri-
cans play in world affairs.

And, finally, he points to the
growth of the Negro bourgeoisie
which wants a share of the
market among black people.

Black nationalism, as it ap-
pears in America today, has a
different content to that of the
“escapist utopianism” of the
1920’s. It is aimed against the
white community as a whole,
with no separation of class is-
sues, But, despite the lack of

A CHEERFUL BREAK

The occasion is Dominion
Day, 1931, and a memorial eve-
ning of poetry, song and talk
celebrating the memory of Sarah
Binks, “sweet songstress of Sas-
katchewan.”

Based on Paul Hiebert’s book,
the: Toronto Central Library
Theatre “mini-musical” by Don-
ald WHarron (music by Lucio
Agostini, direction. by Robert
Christie) is a spoof on some
lower-category literary types
and their pretentions. _

Here Lies Sarah Binks is about
a non-existent person, but. the
tributes by her admirers give
one the uneasy feeling that there

really was a Sarah and that

there must be a disturbing gap
in one’s education.

There is a fey innocence about
this rural ceremonial that is
entirely charming and often de-
lightful in its Tun.

The casting has some bonuses
and some surprises, all welcome
—Jane Mallett, of many past
Spring Thaws, Donald Harron,
of Spring Thaw and other shows,
the singer George Murray, the
actor Robert Christie, the organ-

ist Horace Lapp and the charm-.

ing Arlene Meadows.
Sarah Binks is a cheerful
break in a long winter.

—Martin Stone

class position, there are, says
the author, “few instances where
Negroes have ganged up and
beaten whites promiscuously ...
The Negro is not seeking a con-
frontation along such lines
today.”

The Communist Party of the
United States must distinguish
between what is progressive and
what is reactionary in black na-
tionalism, says the author. That
nationalism, expressed by the
Black movement, is basically a
reactionary one. While holding
a positive attitude to its parti-
cipants, such as Muhammed Ali,
the movement itself encourages
non-participation in the day-to-
day struggle for partial demands.

The author deals rather well
with the place the struggle for
reform has in bringing about
meaningful social change.

The author warns against
dealing in absolutes in consider-
ing these most complicated ques-
tions. He looks at various ‘pos-
sibilities and developments, and
warns us not to reject every-
thing outright those with whom
we disagree stand for.

At the same time, he says, the
Communists do not uncritically
embrace every tactic, every
method, every proposal used. If
there are steps which do not
bolster the struggle for progress
they should be rejected, as we
should reject all opportunistic

- trends,

The author placed a section
“suerrilla warfare in-the U.S.A.2”’
in the booklet, and refers to the
public statements and appeals
made by Floyd McKissick, Mar-
tin Luther King, Julian Bond,
Stokely Carmichael and Rap
Brown—statements which have
provoked considerable debate in
Canadian progressive circles.
His approach is a good example
of how to deal with people play-

~ Another

Education in Soviet Ukraine, by
John Kolasky, Peter Martin
' Associates. $3.50
Soviet-baiting is far from new
and to review all books that fit
into this category is a useless

waste of time and space. How-
ever, since the author of this

book, a Canadian school-teacher,
claims to be genuinely a Marx-
ist and objective in his treatment
it is of some purpose to.see what
he has said. :

Basically he contends that
there is a deliberate policy of
Russification of the Ukraine be-
ing carried out and that those
who support the national libera-
tion movement all over the
world should assist the Ukraine
to obtain its freedom. :

What emerges from amid a
myriad of figures is a systema-
tic attack on the Soviet Union,
on the Russian people, on so-
cialism. £

“The terms ‘proletarian inter-
nationalism’ and ‘Soviet patrio-
tism’ are sugar coated terms for
Russification,”. says Kolasky,
forgetting that one person who
also doubted that there was
such a thing as “Soviet patriot-
ism” was Adolph Hitler. Or is.
he suggesting that it was those
Ukrainians who found their way
into the Halychina Batallion

who were the true patriots?

ing a role in a positive fashion,
while disagreeing with estimates
of what is needed at the given
moment. sees :

He considers the call of
young men like Carmichael and
Brown to be basically defensive
in the face of the ultra-right
mass. annihilation conspiracy.
Their wellsprings of inspiration
come from Vietnam where, as
the whole world has witnessed,
a small people hold a giant white
nation at bay. In addition, the
role of guerrillas in the Cuban
Revolution inspires them to
want to do likewise.

The author repeats what has
been said time and again, and
needs to continue to be said,
namely that “The guerrilla move-
ment in Cuba was successful be-
cause it was supported-in the
countryside and in the cities by
the majority of the Cuban peo-
ple. What was true in Cuba is
a thousand times more true in
Vietnam.”

It is not “a matter of a choice
between violent or non-violent
struggles; the problem is much
‘more difficult and complex than
that,” says the author. He points
out the gains won by the bur-
geoning movement, and the ad-
vances made.

anti-Soviet

“Soviet propaganda,” he says
in another place, “is constantly
proclaiming the eternal and un-
dying love of the Ukrainian peo-
ple for the Russians and their
willing and enthusiastic accept-
ance of the Russian language,
even to the point of exclusion
of their own tongue. Yet during
Lenin’s time and for almost a
decade after his death there was
a period of rapid development of
the Ukrainian language and cul-
ture.” Is it not true though that
it was Soviet power which al-
lowed for the first time this
flowering of the Ukrainian
language and culture and the
hundreds of newspapers, thea-
tres, schools, etc. that utilize the
Ukrainian language is today
proof of a fact that nowhere
does Kolasky acknowledge: the
social system has had something
to do with the vast develop-
ments of the Ukraine economic-
ally and culturally. ;

Kolasky complains about the
Ukrainians who are living in
other republics of the Soviet
Union—suggesting that they
should be brought back to the
Ukraine. After 50 years of
Soviet power he wants to turn

the Ukraine into a huge ghetto _

from which none shall escape—

to work as they want to on.

lands of Kazakhstan, or in the
gold mines in the Urals, or in

The Communist Party of the
U.S.A. proclaims, and has nailed
to its masthead, defense of the
right of black Americans to de-
fend themselves and their homes
from attack by all the means at
their disposal.

The pamphlet discusses many
of the questions that are troub-
ling all progressives in our coun-
try today, and that lead some to
conclude that. everything has
failed.

Claude Lightfoot questions
strongly whether or not we have
really exhausted all forms and
means of struggle, whether or
not we have failed to make ad-
vances, and points to the de-
monstrations and struggles of
the Negro people, and changes

‘wrought thereby.

Lightfoot links the Negro
struggles with the struggle for
socialism in America with these
words, “... . the struggle for so-
cialism develops in the frame-
work of the democratic strug-
gles within the capitalist system.
In all instances where the so-
cialist struggle was successful,
it was preceded by a stage of
struggle for radical shifts or
changes: within the old society
as part of the fight for social-

ism.” W. C. Beeching

diatribe

the oil industry of Baku, or in
their country’s capital. Ukra-
inians walk and work with their
Soviet brothers in every part of
that vast land and Kolasky
would bring them back within
the Ukrainian borders. (Includ-
ing the premier of the S.U. one
must assume.)

He elevates to a principle the
denial of uc eed for a com-
mon language for all the people
of the Soviet Union. Gossip and
innuendo are paraded out as
facts. Mistakes in practice are
elevated to a whole state policy.

“We hear,” he says, “about
the oppressed of Asia, Africa
and South America, but people
are unaware Of the oppressed
nantions of the U.S.S.R. In the
meantime, fighting with their
backs to the wall to preserve
their culture and languages,
these people wonder why the
world has forgotten them.” In
other words what is needed is
the great ‘war of liberation”
which was envisaged by Church-
ill and Truman, is it? -

Of course one is fully aware
in reading this anti-Soviet dia-
tribe that it is the people in the
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Re-
public who in the final analysis
will really answer the Kolaskys,
as they have answered all others
who would turn back the clock
of history. PC.

MARCH 22, 1968—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 9