ee et Le Oo ne ha ee Oe Tee ans a See Oo ee oe The Tribune interviewed Thabo Mbeki, National Executive Member of the African National Congress (South Africa) and Sec- Tetary for Presidential Affairs. Mr. Mbeki visited Canada to partici- Pate in a conference at Carlton University in Ottawa which was Called to consider options open to the Scandinavian and Canadian &0vernments on the issue of South- ern Africa. Mr. Mbeki made the following key points: " *x* * The central, decisive feature of the current situation in Southern Africa is a growing confrontation between the forces of liberation and the forces of oppression. Vorster’s regime is replying to this intensified pressure — not by Making concession or retreating, but by greater repression. This Characterizes what is happening nd what the regime is trying to 0. _In the so-called general elec- tions recently, the regime told the white electorate that South Africa Must have a presidential system of government to eliminate even the small dissident voice that pre- Viously existed in the white par- liament. Today power is in the hands of a small, openly-fascist Clique. The recently announced ‘‘Ban- tustan program’’, for example, Means that, once it is completed, ho African will:be a member of so-called white South Africa. This again is part of the process of intensifying the oppression. They are persuing with greater vigor a Policy to place some puppets be- tween the mass of the people and the regime to direct attention away from the real enemy. Other tactic§ by the regime in- Clude banning of all people’s or- £anizations and now we see open assassination of opponents of the 80vernment. So we see that the Teaction of the enemy is increased Tepression all long the line. This is equally true in Zim- abwe and Namibia as it is of South Africa. Colonizer and Liberator? Some Western countries want THABO MBEKI the world to believe that the Vors- ter regime can be counted among the forces for progressive change in the area. We say this is not true. How can the Vorster regime, the colonizer of Namibia, become at the same time the liberator of Namibia? Equally in Rhodesia — the reason the Smith regime exists is because it is supported by the Vorster regime: It-is, in a sense, the ‘‘Godfather’’ of Rhodesia’s white settler community. You can’t say that a change which meets the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe can come about with the Vorster regime being part of that process — they’re enemies of the people and they will be treated like that.’ Vorster’s forces continue to occupy Namibia; they continue to harass and arrest Southwest Afri- can People’s’ Organization (SWAPO) people there, they con- tinue to kill people there. In Rhodesia they are acting through their little client, the Smith re- gime, to do exactly the same thing. Smith’s attacks on Mozam- bique, for example, are made possible by the backing of Vorster with money, weapons and man- power. So, whatever the Western ’ world might say, in practice South Africa is behaving like a colonizer throughout Southern Africa. Liberation Movement The other part of the picture is the liberation movement. I have said that the Vorster regime is tak- ing the steps it is because of the strength of the ANC. Not long ago, police chief Kruger was compelled to tell the white parli- ament that all efforts to smash the ANC. have failed and that the government must consider it a factor in South African life. ‘I want to warn the white popula- tion,’ Kruger said, ‘‘that the ANC exists and there will be ‘ur- ban terrorism’”. ~ The regime is very worried about what has been happening, for instance, to its security police officers. These are the people who are watching the liberation movement, assassinating people — they are enemies of the people Striking power of the : ing in South a in every respect. They are the sort who were tried at Nuren- burg for crimes against humanity. Naturally the liberation move- ment considers them enemies and in the recent past, security police and informers have been exe- cuted by the liberation forces. They are worried too, when only 15-20% vote in the Bantustan *telections’’ because we have told the:people this program is aimed -at dividing them to perpetuate white supremacy. Therefore, I’m saying that at all levels — in mass mobilization of people, of military activity inside the country — we see the growing striking power of thé people. Attempts to find “‘solutions”’ in Namibia and Zimbabwe to pro- duce puppet regimes are failing. There can be no solution in Namibia without SWAPO and none in Zimbabwe without the Patriotic Front. Apartheid’s Friends We must say that some West- em countries with very large economic and military interests in the region are trying to present themselves as forces for progres- sive change. They are not., They are inter- vening today, not to liberate us, but to protect their interests. For example: the UN Security Council has imposed a mandatory arms embargo against South Afri- ca. The Vorster regime then says it is forced to control its own military capacity which means passing laws to compel any indus- try to produce weapons. We told the British: ‘‘ You say you support an arms embargo, but British firms there can be compelled to produce arms. What are you doing about it?’’ They reply there is nothing they can do. In fact, because their general Strategy is based on a strong pro- imperialist regime to protect their interests in the area, they don’t want to take action. Similarly, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently granted a loan to the Vorster re- gime. We know who the dominant forces in the IMF are. Even the U.S. press commented that the IMF loan totalled the amount spent by South Africa in 1977 to oe buy weapons. Of course, the terms of the loan didn’t say it was for weapons! It was just a general economic loan, but it’s obvious it was simply a guise under which Vorster could shop for arms. We know that efforts are made to cover these dealings. We know that since last November the press in South Africa has been forbidden from mentioning any ‘*tdefense’’ questions: This” is where the Israeli connection be- comes important, also Taiwan, South Korea, Brazil, Iran — be- cause this is where weapons will come from. What I am saying is: Because the U.S., France, West Germany, Britain are still basing their policy on the continuing existence of a strong white South African re- gime to be their policeman in the region, they continue to help the regime militarily despite the arms embargo. The Canadian Role We think the measures an- nounced by the Canadian gov- ernment, even though they were described as ‘‘cosmetic’’ by the press, are politically important. The ANC has been saying “‘iso- late the South African regime’’. The U.S., France, Britain, West ‘Germany have been arguing the opposite. They say it’s important to maintain contacts to persuade it toward a ‘“‘more democratic’’ position. Canada’s step on trade sanc- tions recognizes our argument — that what will change the situation in Southern Africa is not greater contact with white supremist re- gimes but less contact. It accepts the concept that isolation of these regimes will create the pos- sibilities for changing the situa- tion. It should be said at the same time, however, that Canada- South Africa trade is still growing and it will require greater pressure to reverse this trend. Canadian business makes big profits in the region and these people deal with a regime that has guns popping out of their ears to protect those interests. Over 1,000 people have been killed in past months in the towns of South Africa to protect those interests. people This, of course, runs against the best interests of the Canadian people who might tell their -gov- ernment they are not elected by a club of businessmen — that they represent the people. You know there is an Interna- tional Convention that declares apartheid a crime against human- ity which should be actively op- posed. Canada was part of world opinion that the Nurenberg Tri- bunal should be held. And now we have the United Nations dec- laring apartheid a crime against humanity and countries maintain- ing diplomatic and economic links ‘with that system. Let’s put it bluntly: If you in- vest in South Africa the effect is to strengthen the regime — whether you intend that or not. We say that to reduce the scale of violence which today exists and is coming from the white re- gime which is killing people every day you must pull all aid and con- tacts out of South Africa. If the IMF stopped loaning money; if the companies stopped situating there, the regime’s capacity to make war on its people would be greatly weakened. Solidarity with Liberation Forces Some people are concerned about the solidarity and assis- _tance given to the liberation movements.by. the-socialist-com- munity. We say: we welcome sol- idarity from all countries and it’s not out fault that bilateral rela- tions don’t exist between the U.S. and Canadian governments and the liberation forces. We would like to deal with the Canadian government around an agreement that apartheid should be ended. We would welcome as- sistance to bring this about. We know that there are gov- ernments in the socialist world, in Africa, Asia and Latin America who support our struggle. The U.S. and other Western govern- ments are not among them — not because anyone is excluding them, but because they don’t want to come in. They are most welcome, but they must support the concept that action is necessary to énd white supremacy in Southern Af- rica. The ANC, Patriotic Front and SWAPO naturally maintain good relations with the socialist coun- tries because these countries are very committed to change in the region. They give us weapons, they give us food, they accept students in their universities — a very important contribution to our struggle. And at no point have they said their support is conditional on our adopting this or that policy which is not our policy. ° The Swedish government has been giving non-military aid to our struggle for some time, and they don’t impose conditions on us either. We would like the Canadian government to agree to relations with us. If they say, ‘non-military support only’’, that’s fine. We are hopeful the Canadian government will re- spond positively to such a prop- osal for cooperation. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—MARCH 24, 1978—Page 9