PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE Time for movement on softwood dispute by Dave Haggard \ | Z \ ernment has to do a consider- \ \/ i ably better job in paying more wae | attention to what is happen- ay \_/ ing between Canada and the (J United States on the softwood lumber dispute. After all, the forest indus- try is the one of the country’s leading sec- tors for employment, creating nearly 300,000 direct jobs. It is Canada’s largest source of exports earnings. Lumber is a major part of that and is the backbone of many communi- ties across Canada. The Liberals haven’t done much in the past Nee or two to help the industry unite itself and it’s not doing much these days either. It seems to be content to fiddle while Rome burns. It’s hard to believe that there can be a so- called Free Trade Agreement of the Ameri- cas summit in Quebec City, and nearly noth- ing is said by our government about the plight of Canada’s softwood lumber industry which is now seriously threatened. These days, in addition to the B.C. Lum- ber Trade Council and the Free Trade Lum- ber Council, it seems like the loudest voices making Canada’s case are coming from U.S. consumer associations and retailers and not | E think that the federal gov- q fay | our own federal government. t Home Depot is speakin out against the Coali- tion for Fair Lum- ber Imports, the lobby group that’s pushing the U.S. government to impose counter- vailing duties and anti-dumping charges against Canadian lumber. It notes that Canadian soft- woods and south- ern radiata pine are used for differ- ent needs. Ifit can’t a hold of our wood . at a fair price Home Depot will go to Europe or elsewhere to get replace- ment products. The National Association of Home Builders told American president George Bush that tariffs and other charges will hurt the U.S. industry and add up to $5,000 U.S. to the price of a house if the coalition succeeds. They say U.S. companies are bul- lying Canada around and that the softwood lumber agreement was bad economic and trade policy. The U.S. Trade Commission will decide, by May 16, if there will be full hearings on the countervail. Time is moving fast. In another 9 months a countervailing duty could be in place. The Canadian government has to get its butt in gear and build Canada’s case in find- ing solutions. It should listen closel to the industry’s ca for special envoys on the issue and not drop the idea. Even Wey- erhaeuser, which has lumber interests on both sides of the bor- der, seems to havea louder voice in calling for a special envoy than the Liberals. Instead Interna- tional Trade Minister Andrew Pettigrew has given up on envoys and Chretien couldn't et anything out of eorge Bush in Que- bec City. They spent more time talking about helpin the United States exploit oil and natural gas reserves in Canada than they did speaking about the state of the forest industry in North America. F : The Liberals have to begin soon negotiat- ing an interim agreement with the Ameri- cans while the Bush administration further investigates the coalition’s case. It has to balance the needs of lumber peodue a all over Canada and work toward a level play- ing field for everyone. 'e don’t support any Seresmeny or tactic that treats some areas of Canada different than others. And we insist on fair and open markets for all wood products manufactur- ers on both sides of the border. LANDS AND FOREST, Greens assist Americans in softwood lumber. war. by Kim Pollock ust when we thought it was safe to go | back in the woods — it’s back! | What’s back? The Canada-U.S. soft- _. wood dispute, a movie that has been rerun more times than Gone With the a Wind, the Wizard of Oz, or Fantasia, ; that’s what’s back. We've all been there before, of course. We’re used to U.S. Senators, the U.S. Coalition and the U.S. Department of Commerce. Those are fierce opponents, certainly, but ones we have seen before. This time there’s a new twist: Anti-Canadian greens. Recently they teamed up with long-time U.S. Fair Lumber Trade Coalition mouthpiece Max Baucus, Democrat Senator from Montana, to denounce Canada’s forest practices. Talk about a marriage of convenience. Baucus is, of course, a veteran of Canada- U.S. softwood diplomacy. For years, he’s been telling anyone who would listen that Canadian lumber is heavily subsidized because most of our harvesting takes place on publicly-owned Crown land, rather than on private land as:is the case in the States. That’s because he has long been the spokesman in Washington for timber interests. But now he has new, strange bedfellows. Flanked by representatives of the powerful Natural Resources Defense Council and other American greens, Baucus claims that Canada is subsidized not only economically, but environ- mentally. Without as much as a blush, Baucus claims that: Canadian logging practices are making endangered species out of grizzly bears, salmon and other forest-dwellers; Canadian companies are forced to harvest whether they need to or not; and our lack of a formal endangered- species law amounts to a subsidy because U.S. firms have to deal with their Endangered Species Act. In fact, these charges are baseless. The two countries have vastly different forest manage- ment systems, making any comparison pretty much one of apples and potatoes. In Canada, for example, some 94 percent of the forest is Crown-owned; in the U.S. 64 percent is private. Canadian companies reforest a larger than is harvested annually. In British Columbia, where the greens allege the most serious “abuses”, replanting has exceeded harvest every year since 1987. We harvest about one percent of the total available forest and we will every year for the | foreseeable future. That’s a far cry from the scene in the Southern U.S. There, even U.S. Forest Service chief Mike Dombeck concedes that a surplus of annual growth over harvest has been turned around over the past 20 years, with timber harvests actually doubling. As a result of the drastic shutdowns of pub- licly-owned forests in the U.S. Pacific North- west, the South now provides about two-thirds of American timber. In to “shoot, shovel and shut up” rather than risk Endangered Species Act measures on their hold- anaes No amount of “tough”U.S. law could stop them. In fact, the rapid assault on the South’s forests, coupled with the removal of public forests in the Pacific region, help account for the increased demand for Canadian logs and lumber south of the border. Twenty years ago, for instance, 15 percent of the U.S.’s timber came from national forests and that’s now down to 5 percent. As result of these timber shortages, U.S. buy- ers brought in Canadian lumber, especially from the exempt provinces not touched by the Soft- “ wood Lumber Agreement. Sawmills in Washing- ton and Oregon, ironically, also brought in thou- sands of cubic metres of Canadian sawlogs. Indeed, we might even suggest that far from amounting to a subsidy, lower Canadian timber prices - if they are lower, since, again, it’s diffi- cult to say with any pre- cision — simply reflect the South, forest lands are almost all privately owned; so is what’s left available for harvest in the West. Compared to those private lands, Canada’s forest prac- tices stack up very, very well. In the South, thou- sands of hectares of “for- est” are in fact trans- formed cotton and tobacco fields. The trees Anti-Canadian greens have recently teamed up with a Coalition mouthpiece to denounce Canadian forest practices and assist the American case greater supply. There is no question, then, that the U.S. greens are talking through their hats when it comes to relative environmental impacts. You might expect American green groups to side with the Americans on the lum- ber dispute. What’s harder to explain, though, is the are planted in evenly- spaced rows and doused with herbicides and pesticides to turn out a uni- form crop, mainly of pulp chips. On the five mil- lion or so hectares owned by International Paper and other private forest lands, thesé pine “forests” are turned over for pulp in eight to15 years. x These, then, are the forest practices defended and promoted by green groups across the bor- der. It’s also what is being by former U.S. presi- dent Jimmy Carter, himself a southern private woodlot owner. In addition, when it comes to forest fauna, where are all the U.S. cariboo, grizzly bears, wolves and other species whose protection the U.S. laws are supposedly ensuring? In fact, in recent years many Canadian species have been transplanted to the U.S. to replace those wiped out regardless of U.S. law. Again in the South, when preservation was being considered to protect dwindling stocks of cockaded woodpeckers, many landowners chose Canadian green groups ‘ who would destroy Canadian communities and jobs by standing up for the U.S. Yet there were the Western Canada Wilderness Committee and others, cheering on Baucus and his U.S. green allies. “Our industry is greatly subsidized,” said WCWC’s Joe Foy, no doubt an economic expert. Perhaps we should be asking other Canadian green groups what their view is and getting them to state publicly whose side they are on. Many green groups currently enjoy public and government support in Canada. I wonder how Canadians would look on groups who take their money, yet actively campaign to sabotage our leading export sector. Together with logging companies that export their private-land tim- ber, they are the selfish enemies of Canadian forest-sector workers. Kim Pollock is the Director of Environment and Public Policy for I.W.A. Canada. eee eee ee. 4/LUMBERWORKER/April, 2001 ae