History of the I.W.A. Continued from page twenty-eight wages and conditions in major mills near larger centres were comparable to those at the Coast, bur ranged from worse to terrible in the smaller, more isolated mills and camps. A Canal Flats operation demanded fumigation to destroy bed- page: that vuere ee more phe one shower per forty men, tha e bunkhouses be properl: yentilated, and so on. gee In his lively history of the Prince George local, Ken Bernsolm describes a meeting of July 28th, in which those attending demanded a reduction in their work week from 56 to 48 hours, better roads, and the “removal from the International Constitution of the clause barring members of the Communist Party from being members of the union.” The indefatigable Ernie Dalskog was presumably in attendance. By 1953, the Local had about 1500 members, but that included most of the big mills that pro- duced about 90% of the region’s lumber. That seemed to be a sufficient basis for an effective strike. They demanded an increase of eighteen cents an hour, the “union shop,” and more paid holidays. The Northern Interior Lumberman’s Association, despite the increases won by the Coast membership earlier that year, offered only an extension of the existing contract. A Conciliation board proposed a six per cent increase, the same as had been won on the Coast, and a form of union security. The union Beranted management refused. A strike was called in Prince George on September 28th, and in the Southern Interior Locals on October 23rd. Many of the Northern leaders resented the “delay,” and that was to play a role many years later.” A local with few experienced leaders, that had just gone through the divisiveness of “the Bere had to lead a newly organized member- ship through an extended strike, against a uni- versally hostile media and in tough winter weather. It is a credit to the membership and leaders involved that they held out as long as they did. The Northern strike ended on January 6th, 1954, on terms proposed by Justice Arthur Lord; a five and a half cent hourly increase, and a “maintenance of membership” clause. They had been out twice as long as the Coast mem- bership, in far more difficult conditions, and were forced to return for less, and to accept three-year contracts. Their strike had fre- quently been violent, and always bitter. Bern- Solm notes that after the strike, the local’s membership was down to 800, and that it “would take years to rebuild the union” in the region. Throughout the following decade, the gap between B.C. Coast and Interior wage rates grew steadily, and that process set the stage for the long Interior strike “for parity” of 1967. Negotiations on the Coast of B.C. went smoothly until 1958. The left wing of the union, was still in disarray from the aftermath of the 1948 split, and the abortive attempt to estal lish a “break-away” union. In the 1957 negoti: tions, a settlement was reached at the last minute, following the intervention of B.C Pre- mier Bennett. It provided a base increase of seven and a half per cent, a full union shop, (a benefit for which the union had struggled for many years), and sixteen other important con- tract improvements. But 1958 was to prove very different, and usher in a new period in which Syd Thompson provided increasingly effective opposition, not only to the then Vancouver Local’s President Lloyd Whalen, and to District President Joe Morris. As noted in an earlier article, Syd had been a very active member of the Communist arty up to 1949, then still Alberta organizer. is own account is that he left the party at that time, moved to B.C., and was never again a member. Maurice Rush, on the other hand, remembers Syd asking him and Alf Dewhurst (a leading Communist forest worker) where he could get a job in which he “could be of most use to labour and the party.””” In any event, Syd got a job at Western Ply- woods, later to become Weldwood Kent, and was soon a job steward, then plant chairman The 1958 settlement was to provide the oppor- tunity to run against Lloyd Whalen for the residency of what was then the union’s largest a 1, with a membership of 6000. Syd was cer- al, tainly not by that time a member of the Com- munist the Party though Tom Clarke, a key supporter, was a leader of the wood fraction of the party. ‘The left wing must surely have wel- comed the decision to run against Whalen. _ Lloyd Whalen had a long history in the ap and a colourful political past. In the 1930's, he had been a communist, and had worked on an Fa (= 4 E 7 ° Standing at a meeting held to combat racism in the 1950’s was District One research director Joe Miyazawa. Sitting to his left is Al Pollard, conductor of Local 1-217 and member of the B.C. Federa- tion of Labour’s anti-racism committee. early attempt to organize Fraser Mills. During the war, he emerged as.a Trotskyite, and later as secretary of the C.C.F. labour group. He was one of the most able and dedicated foes of the District officers. When the 1958 negotiations were opened in March, the economy was at the low point of a recession. The union was seeking a 10% across- the-board increase, upward revision of trades- men’s rates, and a “no-contracting-out” clause. The employers responded with a proposal for cuts, and a demand that the union incorporate itself under the societies act, so that it could be more readily sued for damages. The union applied for conciliation. The Board, chaired by U.B.C. Forestry Dean G.S. Allen, following “the principle of recommending changes only when the evidence in favour of such change is over- whelming,” recommended no increase in wages. The negotiating committee, armed with a strike vote of only 65% (and many operations voting against strike), felt it had no choice but to apply “for further conciliation.” Justice Gor- don Sloan was again brought into the picture as a Royal Commissioner. He issued his report early in August, proposing some contract improvements, but no increase. The union’s negotiation committee, arguing that it was plainly spelled out for the I.W.A. that a strike in the whole Coast lumber industry would be an economic disaster of such proportions that (government) interventions could be expected... any gains to be secured would not justify a long and bitter strike,” recommended acceptance, and the membership accepted that recommen- dation with a “decisive majority.”"” But such protracted and disappointing nego- tiations provide fertile ground for any opposi- tion candidates, and Syd launched a very effec- tive campaign against Whalen, branding him a part of the “nickel leadership,” that had pro- duced such unsatisfactory results. Whalen responded by referring to Thompson’s “red” past, and suggesting that to elect him would be to return the union to the control of the Labour Progressive (Communist) Party. That brought Harold Pritchett back into the fray. For the first time, he conceded that “While the desire for a Canadian union for Canadian workers was correct, the (1948) decision to secede and transfer the union’s assets to the new organiza- tion was premature and incorrect. But he went on to cite Labour Gazette figures to show that in 1948, the I.W.A. “was at the top of the list in wage gains won. But we are now at the bottom.” Thompson publicly disassoci- ated himself from Pritchett’s intervention, and declared in a letter to International President Al Hartung, “My supporters and I strongly resent any suggestion that Harold Pritchett is master-minding or pulling the strings in this election. No one is going to take that honour away from me and my supporters.” Syd was elected. He now led the union’s largest local. From that position, and fortified with the Presidency of the Vancouver Labour Council, he harassed “Nickel Joe” Morris and his successor Jack Moore mercilessly, and not infrequently took on the B.C. Federation of Labour and the C.L.C. as well, for the following fifteen years. ‘ The existence of that powerful opposition was probably a major factor in the lengthy Coast VANCOUVER JOINT LABOR COMMITTE 07 i cious ware | strike of 1959. The negotiating committee, and especially Joe Morris, could not afford not to be militant. The membership, encouraged by a reviving economy and forest industry, provided a 90% strike vote. After a seventy day strike, the union won a twenty cent hourly increase, with an additional ten cents for tradesmen, and the beginnings of the “plywood evaluation plan.” Next Article: the I.W.A.’s Courageous effort to Organize and fight for Newfoundland loggers and the violent 1963 Strike in Kapuskasing. FOOTNOTES (1) See, for example: Abella, Irving, “Nation- alism, Communism and Canadian Labour.” University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1973; and Cochran, B., “Labor and Communism.” Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J., 1977. (2) Radforth, Ian, “Bushworkers and Bosses: Logging in Northern Ontario, 1900 - 1980,” University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1987;‘and Magnuson, Bruce, “The Untold Story of Ontario’s Bush- workers, a Political Memoir.” Penguin Books, Toronto, 1990; and Interview of Fred Miron by Clay Perry, Dec. 11, 1997. (8) International Woodworker, Issues of November. and December, 1948. I.W.A. CANADA Archives. (4) In retrospect, it is striking that the very sudden and total change in the largest of B.C.’s unions was accomplished with so little violence. (5) Lembcke, Jerry and Tattum, William, “One Union in Wood: A Political History of the International Woodworkers of America.” Harbour Publishing, Madeira Park, B.C., 1984. : (6) Proceedings, Twelfth Annual Conven- tion, B.C. District No. 1, International Woodworkers of America, C.1.0., C.C.L., Vancouver, B.C., Jan. 15-16, 1949, p.57. (7) B.C. Lumber Worker, 1952 and 1953. L.W.A. Canada Archives (8) Bernsolm, Ken. “Slabs, Scabs and Skid- ders, A History of the I.W.A. in the Cen- tral Interior.” Published by Local 1-424, LW.A. Prince George, B.C. (9) B.C. Lumber Worker. 1945 issues. I.W.A. CANADA Archives. (10) Interview of Maurice Rush by Clay Perry, ‘April, 1997. (11) B.C. Lumber Worker. Issues of April to August, 1958. (12) Thompson to Hartung, Dec. 11, 1958. and campaign leaflets, 1958. 1.W.A. CANADA Archives. UBC Special Coll LUMBERWORKER/DECEMBER 1997/29