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* The newly formed Woodworkers’ Industrial Union of Canada held founding convention in October of 1948. Leaders pictured inside photo are (1. to r.)

Hjalmar Bergren, Harold Pritchett, Ernie Dalskog and Jack Forbes.

History of the I.W.A.

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tiated provisions in its U.S. contracts which
by-passed some of the worst provisions.

But at the I.W.A.’s international conven-
tion held in St. Louis in August of 1947, it
was decided to “comply with the certifica-
tion provisions.” and even to “accept some
of the best features” of the Act. Since the
top leadership was prevented from attend-
ing the convention by the U.S. Immigration
Office, the much reduced and generally
inexperienced B.C. District delegation,
though they vigorously opposed the resolu-
tion, and called for a roll call vote, was
unable to mount an effective campaign. ”

On September 18, 1947, International
President “Red” Fadling wrote to U.S. Com-
munists First Vice-President Karly Larsen
and Secretary Treasurer Ed Laux, calling
for their resignations, because they refused
to take the offensive oath. In a long and
eloquent letter published in the Sept. 22nd
Lumber Worker, they agreed. Thus the B.C.
district leadership were left with no sup-
port at the international officer level, and
with only the most precarious sources of
information about the parent body’s relent-
less efforts to undermine them.

Then came a ruling that International
Board members, including Canadian Jack
Greenall from the B.C. District, were “offi-
cers,” and would have to sign or resign. In
a strongly worded letter dated Oct. 22nd.,
Greenall refused to do either. “The princi-

le involved,” he said,” is very simple and
ih down to the fact that a government to
which I owe no allegiance, in a country
where I haven’t a vote, has no right to tell
me or any other Canadian what political

rinciples must be endorsed or rejected.”
Padiin promptly fired him” ;

The left wing in Northern Washington
and B.C. reacted by initiating the rarely-
used constitutional “recall” provisions
against the international president, and
when District organizers Tommy McDon-
ald, Les Urquhart and Mike Freylinger
supported the recall petition, international
organizer George Brown fired all three,
re] acing them with organizers like staunch
CCFer m McKenzie, who would support
the International’s anti-red campaign.

Canada’s federal government was also
an enthusiastic participant. Violating its
own immigration laws, the Canadian gov-

hs . LUMBERWORKERJULY 1997/11

ernment cooperated with U.S. officials to
pave the way for gangster Hal Banks’ Sea-
man’s International Union to replace the
Communist-led Canadian Seaman’s Union,
by an extraordinary display of officially
sanctioned goonery. On the forest industry
side, R.C.M.P. headquarters had full min-
utes of I.W.A. local and District meetings
within a few days.”

he most effective opponent of I.W.A.

leadership was the Canadian Con-

gress of Labour. Years of increasing-

ly angry relations between the cen-
tral labour body and its Communist-led
affiliates came to a head at the 1947 con-
vention, held in Toronto from October 6th
to 13th. The activities of the International
Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers’
Union, especially their decision to transfer
officers and staff from the U.S., where Taft
Hartley had rendered them useless, were
the immediate cause of the Congress’ total
war.

As a declaration of the C.C.L. officers’
absolute resolve to defeat Communist lead-
ership, they introduced a composite resolu-
tion on Foreign Affairs which denounced
the Soviet Union’s “rampant and militant
Communist Imperialism, assisted by its
fifth column in other countries (along with
“monopoly capitalist imperialism),” and
praised the U.S. Marshall Plan as a sign of
American “generosity.”

Opening debate for the Communist side,
the I.W.A’s Harold Pritchett declared that
his union would spurn the policy even if it
were adopted. The Congress’ secretary
treasurer closed the debate on the affirma-
tive side. The resolution was adopted by a
vote of 546 to 165.”

Bill Mahoney, a steelworker and ex-coal
miner, was sent to British Columbia to “co-
ordinate” the various anti-Communist
forces, steel and packing house workers,
CCF’ers, international I.W.A. officers and
staff, and so on.

Mahoney, under the direction of Con-
gress vice-president Charlie Millard, pro-
vided what white force in B.C. had com-
pletely lacked: effective generalship, an
sonal ue and steely determination.
On January 27, 1948, they realized the
first objective by gaining control of the Van-
couver Labour Council with a slate led by
Congress staffer George Home. But despite
this intense and ably run campaign, the
District officers were able to win a referen-
dum ballot for all District Officers in March,

IWA. Archives:

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as noted above, by generally wide margins.

White forces had for the moment lost
momentum. But New Westminster (white
bloc) delegates at the April quarterly meet-
ing of the District Council claimed that
$9000 of revenue had not been accounted
for in the annual audit. The District offi-
cers immediately and with apparent total
confidence appointed outside auditors Rid-
dell, Stead, Graham and Hutchison to
check the records for the preceding two
years. They received a terrible blow when
the auditors reported that not $9.000 but
over $150,000 of expenditures were not
properly covered by vouchers.

There was not then any evidence of any
personal gain on the part of any officer or
official of the I.W.A., and none has been
found since. Bill Mahoney, the most dedi-
cated of anti-Communists, reported to Mil-
lard that he doubted the possibility of
pressing any charges, and this author can
attest that the old “red block” officers died
with less wealth than would have been
expected of them if they had simply gone
on as good loggers, mill and shingle work-
ers. Harold declared that there had been
“terribly sloppy bookkeeping,” and while he
was able to submit an impressive record of
his travels and activities for the period, he
and his fellow officers suffered an incalcu-
lable setback with the rumours that, in an
intensely fought union struggle, inevitably
followed.”

Congress forces pressed on and scored
another important victory at the B.C. Fed-
eration Convention early in September,
when George Home defeated Harold Pritch-
ett, by a very narrow margin, for the key
secretary-treasurer post. The Congress vic-
tory relied upon the exclusion of Mine Mill
delegates, following the publication in the
union’s newspaper of a bitter attack on
Congress president Mosher. It also depend-
ed upon the seating of the full new West-
minster (“white bloc”) local despite a chal-
lenge based on apparently improper count-
ing of local union votes for delegates. Harold
Pritchett resolved the contentious issue in
the end by moving that the full delegation
be seated. On the following day, he was
defeated by one vote.”

Ernie Dalskog wrote in the Lumber Work-
er May 5th, 1948, that “large and hostile

_ forces are now arrayed against us.” That

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