History of the I.W.A. Continued from previous page was no exaggeration. In addition to the to the opponents listed above, there was the C.C.F.; “Catholic Action,” a loose organiza- tion probably inspired by the success of the American Association of Catholic Trade Unionists in struggles against Communist labour leaders in the U.S.; and a curious organization named “Moral Rearma- ment.” That was the context in which “red” and “white” forces began to jockey for the key prize, control over Western Canada’s largest union, the I.W.A. which was then consoli- dating a position in B.C.’s largest industry. Throughout the long, hot summer of 1948, and well into September, the District leadership held fast to its policy that they would not disaffiliate from the Internation- al I.W.A.. Rumours of the International Officers planning to put the District under trusteeship were constant, but the reason- ing up to that time was: “Let them pull something like that. The Canadian mem- bership, except for die-hard whites, will be on our side. The issue will be U.S. domina- tion of a Canadian union, not Communism or our bookkeeping.” That policy was evidently in force, at least as far as District President Ernie Dal- skog knew, as late as September 20th spe- cial meeting of Local 71, when Dalskog reported to the meeting that (though they were considering withholding their per capita tax to the International), “...it is not our intention to disaffiliate.”"” A testament to the CCL’s intelligence service is that Bill Mahoney told CCL Sec- retary-Treasurer Pat Conroy on September 20th that secession of the District was “{mminent.”"” Gladys Shunaman, then secretary-trea- surer of the Vancou- ver Local, did not hear of any change until a week or so before the quarterly meeting. But on or about Sep- tember 20th that plausible strategy ° Gladys Shunaman was reversed. In his recent book “We Have a Glowing Dream,” Maurice Rush provides on pages 108 to 111 a much more detailed and can- did explanation of the fateful decision than had previously been available. Rush was, at the time, B.C. provincial organizer of the Labour Progressive Party. He cites the key role that the Party’s Labour Committee, and especially leading Communist Harvey Murphy, played in the decision, the air- plane conversation between Murphy and Bill Mahoney, and a later caucus meeting of about 80 key supportive local activists that endorsed the decision, apparently without dissenting voice. He concedes that the disaffiliation was a mistake. He does not mention that the Party’s leading I.W.A. figure, Harold Pritchett, opposed the move in its early stages. Ernie Dalskog shed more light on the matter in an interview conducted by this author on December 29, 1982.” The following is from notes taken at the time: “Nigel Morgan (earlier, a top IWA leader but by then, the President of the British Columbia L.P.P.) came to see me one night in my hotel room. It was in September of 1948, and we knew the International Convention was coming, and we couldnt get down there, could- n’t get visas. We thought they were going to take us under trusteeship. So he out- lined his plan, which was complete, complete, breakaway, what to do with the money and records and everything. He asked me what I thought, and I said I'd have to think about it. He said I would have a day to think about it, but the next evening there was to be a N IWA. Archives meeting of the provincial executive of the Labour committee (of the L.P.P.), and I would have to make up my mind before the meeting and go to it. I said I wasn’t a member of the com- mittee, so I couldn’t go. He said he would make me a member just so I could g0, which was funny, because I’d never had any aspiration for office in the party. He told me that he and Harold had talked about it with (Tim) Buck in Toronto the previous week, and Buck ‘hadn* disagreed.’ I went home, (but) I couldn ’t sleep. It was such a big deci- e At founding convention of WIUC Harold Pritchett meets with members of the Women’s Auxilliary. and Al Parkin what had been decided. ‘What a bloody fool thing’ they said, both of them. Jack Forbes got the worst of it, and the funny thing is, he never was in favour of it, but because he was secre- tary-treasurer, he had to pack up and fly, family and all...went to Ontario, became a steelworker, a good steel- worker.” Among the things that this account sug- gests is that, although the decision to disaf- filiate received immediate and strong sup- port from middle lead- sion, and I didn’t like it, but then I couldn’t think of anything else to do, any alterna- tive. So I went to the committee meeting the next night. There was Tom McEwan, Charles Stuart, Har- “So that was it... And we all knew within a few months that it (the 1948 split) was a terrible, terrible ership (eg. Mark Mosh- er and Jack Higg- ins),and especially from Vancouver Island locals controlled by loggers, the plan was not initi- ated by the I.W.A. lead- ership. The three top leaders of the District, vey Murphy, Harold, iG President Ernie Dal- Bill Stewart, Nigel Mistake. We could have sxce, Vice-President and (Bill) Rigby. handled it in other Harold Pritchett and igel wanted me to ecretary Treasurer make the motion, but ways. Jack Forbes were either I refused, so he did. Harold spoke against it, but not strongly. He didn’t have any - Ernie Dalskog initially opposed to it, or were persuaded with some difficulty after the plan was well alternative either. I couldn’t make up my mind, but still could not think of reasons not to do it, although it was such a big thing. Anyway, the motion passed, and that was it. Harvey Murphy was very much behind it, and I think he spoke for it. Anyway, it passed, and we all fall in line. Me and Harold and everyone. Buck opposed it, later, but by then tt was too late. Nigel had drummed up the idea among a lot of the local peo- ple, and they supported it, and the ball was rolling so fast that even Buck couldn’t stop it. So that was it, a terrible mistake. And we all knew within a few months that it was a terrible, terrible mistake. We could have handled it in other ways. Ill never forget the next morning I went to the office and told Jack Clarke advanced. Seasoned staff members Al Parkin and Jack Clarke, a veteran who had led the LWIU in 1921, thought it a “bloody fool” thing to do. And the top L.P.P. national Leadership, includ- ing Tim Buck and trade union director J.B. Salsberg, were urging caution and “recon- sideration.”"” . That those very considerable sources of opposition or reluctance were overcome so decisively and quickly testifies to the force and determination of those supporting the move, and suggests to this observer that something more fundamental than Harvey Murphy “pushing the panic button’ after a conversation on an airplane was involved.’ Harold Pritchett was a moderate within the Communist Party. He and others like Continued on next page a 12/LUMBERWORKER/JULY 1997