RESIDENT’S MESSAGE Lessons to be learned from Ontario NDP loss by Gerry Stoney ollowing the election results of the On- + ~~ tario provincial election in June, we in » the I.W.A. in British Columbia should ‘ take a step back and consider what the results mean for the New Democ- ratic Party in British Columbia. After the Ontario NDP government has gone down to defeat, what does it mean for workers? I think it means that there is a new mean- spiritness out there, especially amongst the working middle class which is feeling frustrat- ed, for a complex variety of reasons, and feels its standard of living is sliding backwards. When working people feel frustrated, it is legitimate to exhibit anger against somebody or something. If there is one group of people that has reason to complain, it is woodwork- ers. Life over the past five years has been tough on us. But before lashing out, we should look back. The Ontario NDP inherited a govern- ment and an economy that went from bad to worse. The devastating recession of the early 1990’s and the free trade agreements gutted the province’s manufacturing base and the tax base as well. Now that the ultra right-wing Conservative government of Mike Harris is in power, work- ing people are in for more of a fight than ever before. Harris has vowed to take away all pro- gressive labour legislation introduced by the Rae government and roll back pro- tection in occupa- tional health and safety. He is also go- ing to stop employ- ment equity pro- grams. During the elec- tion campaign, B.C. Liberal leader Gor- don Campbell sent his main political strategist back to join the Harris team and liked what it saw. After all, Campbell and Har- ris are ideological twins. They both believe that it is time to bash government. Campbell, like Harris is out to eliminate and privitize the public service. Harris is out to sell off Ontario Hydro, a lynch-pin in the Ontario economy. Campbell has also said that he will sell off numerous crown corporations and roll back public sec- tor wages. Like Harris, Campbell vows to gut the Labour Relations Code and take away anti- scab laws and automatic certification proce- dures. Like Harris, he also wants to reduce WCB premiums for employers and, as a re- sult, cut benefits for injured and disabled workers. Of special concern to I.W.A. members is the fact that the Campbell government doesn’t have any policies on forestry other than being on record as being opposed to Forest Renew- al B.C., which will plough over $2 billion back into the forest over the next five years. Over the last decade and a half we in in the union have been trying to change the way the government adminis- ters the forest industry. We are tired of chaos and mismanagement and we need to turn the corner. For these past years, previous governments have not had a plan and com- mittment to reinvest in the forest industry. Forest Renewal B.C. is a great step in that direction. And it comes from legislation that only an NDP govern- ment would put into place. Therefore we have to fight to see that the Gordon Campbell machine does not dismantle it. Like Mike Harris, Gordon Campbell is not out to serve the interests of working people. He is out to clobber workers. We should nev- er let ourselves be fooled. We should acknowledge our frustrations and deal with them in a constructive way. But there is nothing to be gained from by bashing the Mike Harcourt government and replacing it with a right wing government of Gordon Campbell. The world is changing too fast and too furi- ously to think that we will be able to pick up the pieces in the future if the NDP loses pow- er in the province. Think about what has happened in Ontario. Watch what happens to Ontario workers and then remember that the same things could happen in British Columbia. LANDS AND FORES' Big environmental groups turn into big business by Kim Pollock ~) nvironmentalism has become big business. * The big environmental groups have be- t | come multinational corporations in their | =~ own right. As such, they need to finance | ‘=== their expanding operations. Since the main .. source of their revenue is contributions, mainly from middle and upper-class urbanites, there is a constant need for “causes” and “crises.” In the highly competitive world of environmen- tal big business, donors are unlikely to give to “give from the heart” when there is merely a prob- lem in need of solution: they will more likely to give when there is a threat to the earth, its lands, its forests or - even better - life on this planet as we know it. There’s more money to be made standing out on the logging roads on your princi- ples than in sitting down and working out a com- promise. People living in cities are accustomed to seeing the environmental impact of industry and human settlement, used to the looming threat of nuclear war promising global devastation and bombarded with stories of ecological damage. In the United States, particularly, these same folks have lost faith in politics and politicians to solve their problems. They've turned instead to so- called non-governmental organizations that claim to act independently of government and industry. In the late eighties and early nineties these groups’ memberships and revenues increases dra- matically. _ Enriched by successful campaigns to curtail log- ging on public lands in the Pacific Northwest, these green groups have found a bonanza in forest protests. In British Columbia, the green groups capitalized on the excessive forest practices that flourished under the old Social Credit govern- ment’s policy of “sympathetic management”: be- lieving the forest sector to be a dying “sunset in- dustry,” the Socreds — now Liberals and Reform Party - told forest companies “anything goes.” The green organizations’ very success might yet be their downfall. If groups tend to turn into what they fear or hate the most, green groups are turn- ing into multinational corporations: undemocratic organizations that care most about the bottom line, not people. In her recent book, Cloak of Green, Canadian journal- ist Elaine Dewar surveys seven of the country’s big environmental organiza- tions: she finds them “not democratic, not repre- sentative and not trans- parent,” that is, secretive and manipulative. Altogether,” she con- \ | cludes, “those who had contributed their money or hearts to these groups to affect the causes of clean air and water had been doubly used. Both their tax dollars and chari- table dollars supported a facade of critical inde- pendence from governments and business. The in- formation they put out had to be treated skeptically - it could not be said to come from an independent source.” federal government, with its free trade agenda? Or is it big business, quick to make at buck at the ex- pense of workers and their communities? Or is it all three at once? The tragedy of all this is that in their hustle to raise money, environmental organizations seem to have abandoned the true objective of the exercise, which is to ensure that human needs are met as sustainably as possible. This is clear in the greens’ forest policy, for sure. After all, when you consider the current global reality and compare alternatives, wood is clearly a green industry. With the current growth of world population, for instance, there will be a constant growth of de- mand for basic shelter, that is, building materials. The available choices for building in most of the world are wooden studs and panels, steel studs, aluminum siding, concrete, brick and glass. Of these only wood is a renewable resource that does not draw down Dewar found that the groups, including World Wildlife Fund Canada, Friends of the Earth Canada, Western Wilderness Committee and others involved in forestry issues across the country, were linked closely to the federal government and to big business. Environmental groups have abandoned the objective of ensuring that human needs are met in sustainable way the finite resources of the earth. Conducted properly, as it is almost everywhere in Canada today and will increas- ingly be as new forest management and tim- ber harvesting rules take effect, forestry is a renewable resource. The others are all non- renewable resources. One particularly in- teresting corporate link: Adam Zimmerman, chair of Noranda Forest Products when that company owned MacMillan Bloedel, was also and at the same time chair of the World Wildlife Fund Cana- da. Curious, indeed, especially when you realize that Noranda Forest and its parent Noranda Inc. are also both subsidiaries of Brascan, which also has considerable holdings in Brazil and sometimes itself a green-group target. It would be interesting to calculate how much Noranda and MacMillan-Bloedel have earned as a result of the spotted owl injunctions and resulting escalation of timber prices. if ‘And if Zimmerman was representative of atti- tudes in MB’s board room, it makes you wonder what was behind the company’s recent easy capit- ulation in the face of the Clayoquot Sound Scien- tific Panel report. Certainly it wasn’t concern for jobs or communities on Vancouver Island. Certainly we should consider the source when we hear green groups’ criticisms of forest prac- ticeS. When they speak, are we hearing the voice of concerned citizens? Or are we hearing from the z Wood also has the environmental advantage of consuming much less energy. Several recent studies have shown that from production through final use and reuse or re- cycling, wood is several times more energy effi- cient than its potential substitutes. From this perspective, Canadian wood is as “green” as any: our forest standards are increas- ingly as good as any in the world and improving as our knowledge of ecology and integrated resource management grows. If we don’t harvest timber here and if demand for wood is not superceded by demand for less environmentally-sound substi- tutes, then the growing demand for wood will be satisfied from places like the Russian Far East, Chile, Indonesia or Brazil, less democratic govern- ments and less stringent or enforcable rules. So it’s clear that it’s not for strictly environmen- tal reasons that the green groups have launched their noisy anti-logging campaigns. Kim Pollock is the Director of I.W.A. CANADA’s Environment and Land-Use Department. SLL 4/LUMBERWORKER/AUGUST, 1995