ise

READING some of the CCE

papers, I found two items
of particular interest in thie
Saskatchewan Commonwealth.

Both of them have much in
common and both express 4
train of thought extremely dan-
gerous for the future. of the
labor movement. Both of them
show, too, that Social-Democ-
racy has not changed in its fun-
damental aspects.

e
ITEM NO. 1:
Reporting the Ontario con-
vention of the Cooperative

Commonwealth ‘Youth Move-
ment in “Toronto, the article
Says that “a very lively debate
raged around the resolution de-
ploring the freeing of Adrien
Areand, Canadian fascist.
However, the delegates
voted this resolution down,
defeating it on the ground

that no one should be im-

prisoned for his political be-

liefs, and that imprisoning

Arcand would in the long

run only create sympathy

for him.’ .

This is rather strange read-
irig indeed in this period of his-
tory, all the more that it comes
on the eve of the trials of the
fascists in Germany and J. apan.
Would the CCYM suggest that
@ similar stand be taken with
them? Should they too be re-
leased because it “would in the
long run create sympathy for
them?” And if. Hitler is found
alive somewhere, should he too
be allowed to go scot free?

Some of the CCFers may
protest: ‘ We are only referring
to Areand, not to the German
fascists.”

In the first place, the CCYM
seems to have ignored the fact
that the Liberal government,
no less “liberal” than the
CCYM, charged Arcand at the
time not with “beliefs” (only
Communists were persecuted
for that!) but with treason,
with plotting directly with
German fascism against Can-
ada.

But even if that were not
so, does the CCF still not
realize the nature ef fascist
“beliefs?”

Whait is the difference be-
tween Arcand and the German
and other European ‘fascists?
Just that the German fascists
were in power and were able
to inflict terrible injuries upon
their own people and mankind.
Arcand did not have power, but
his aims were the aims of Ger-
man fascism, the subjugation
of our people and our country,
its enslavement to Nazi Ger-
many with him as Gauleiter.
Areand did not get power be-
cause the growing anti-fascist
movement of the Canadian
people finally forced his ar-
rest and internment. But even
then, if I am not mistaken, the
CCF was strangely quiet about

the need for eurbing the Can-
adian fascists.

And now they are in favor
of leaving him alone.

The CCYM tries to make it
appear as a matter of abstract
justice and democracy, and the
right of people to hold certain
opinions. But under the cloak
of abstract justice and democ-
racy, support is given not only
to a. particular political belief,
but also to actions that are a
logical sequence of such be-
liefs. For we have here to deal
not with an abstract problem
—but the conerete case of one
of the Canadian fascists, whose

PACIFIC ADVOCATE—PAGE 10

‘Abstract Justice’ An

Fascism

aims are to destroy Canadian
democracy.

There is
here.

What has history shown us?
Where such an attitude of “ab-
stract” justice and democracy
prevailed, and where no stern
action was taken, reaction and
fascism always won out. And
where the people broke through
the deadly and enervating poi-
son of abstract justice and de-
mocracy, reaction and fascism
lost out.

nothing abstract

[= us take three examples:

German “Social - Democracy
too spoke of abstract justice
and democracy. And after the
imperialist war of 1914-18,
when the German working class
and the armed forces revolted,
instead of leading the revoln-
tion to its logical conclusion,
Social Democracy allied itself
with the Junkers, preserved
the monopoly structure of Ger-
man capitalism, took no action
against those responsible for
the war. Instead they protected
them because they too undoubt-
edly felt that “no one should
be imprisoned for his political
beliefs.”” Therefore they could
close their eyes to the fascist
bands roaming the streets,
murdering revolutionary work-
ers. Therefore they could also,
in the name of abstract justice,
prevent the united action of the
working class and others
against the threat of fascism
and go to the extent of sup-
pressing the revolutionary wor-
kers in Germany.

Abstract justice and democ-
racy finally led to the victory
of fascism in Germany.

@ And after taking power
in Germany the fascists set out
to enslave the world. When the
Communists appealed for unity
with the Socialists, these same
proponents of “abstract jus-
tice” revised their attitude
slightly. It now became “dan-
gerous to provoke the fascists”
and, in any case, “why meddle

in the affairs of other na-
tions’’?

And so abstract justice and
democracy finally led io the
victory of fascism over most of
Europe.

@ ,Now that the war has
ended in the military defeat of
fascism, the champions of ‘ ab-
stract justice” raise their heads
again. But this time they sing
the same tune in a different
note. And this leads me to the
second item in the Saskatche-
wan Commonwealth.

ITEM NO 2: An editorial
entitled ‘“Britain—Bulwark of
Democracy,” states: “It was in
Britain that civil rights and
government by freely elected
parliaments began. Now Bri-
tain will lead the world once
more in the revolution of in-
telligent planning and econom-
ic democracy ... Policies ham-
mered out there can lead the
nations towards jobs, health,

homes and the full flowering .

of personal freedom and
independence. Until the
triumph of the British Labor
Party the world was faced with
the stark alternatives of totali-
tarian Communism. Now we

know there is a democratic al- ,

ternative to these — and the
British Labor Party is busy
translating that alternative
from theory into practical re.
sults . .. the alternatives are
‘despair, chaos amid the emerg-
ency of totalitarian dictator-
ships everywhere.”

The above . editorial is not
much different from the speech
delivered to’ the British House
of Commons by Clement Att
lee, Labor Prime Minister, ex-
cept that Mr. Atlee has to use
diplomatic language, while the
Saskatchewan Commonwealth
does not. Mr Attlee stated that
the British version of democ-
racy was that “minority groups
should be respected” and he
-eriticized the liberation move.
ments in a number of European
countries where, according to
him, the rights of minority par-
ties were not respected.

Aid To

=
5%

‘by Wm. Kashtan

One could be facetious and
state that the desire of Mr. Aitt-
lee to have “‘minority rights re-
spected” arises from the fact
that British rule in India is
minority rule, and British bay-
onets still maintain a reaction-
ary Greek government in pow-
er.
They have not the strength
nor popular support to do it
by themselves. But Mr. Attlee
comes to their rescue and along
with reactionary finance capi-
tal in Britain and the USA sup-
ports them in their endeavors.
Mr. Attlee covers up reaction-
ary aims under the “abstract”
principle of justice and democ-
racy ‘for all.”

In _ practice,
these
hindrance to the agrarian rev-
olution in these countries would
inevitably revive the menace of
fascism and war. :

The peoples in Europe’ head-
ed by coalitions cf workers,
peasants and middle classes,
have a different concept of de-
mocracy and justice.

To them it means breaking
up the big landed estates and
handing them over to the peaos-
ants. To them it means nation-
alization of big industry, the
banks and the credit system,
including those of foreign or-
igin.

(Mr. Attlee became Prime
Minister on the basis of the slo-
gan of nationalization but ap-
parently is not in favor of it
for other peoples).

To them it means action- to
punish traitors and prevent
new crimes. To them it means
cooperation of the United Na-
tions and not “blocs” against
thee Soviet Union or anyon
else.

protection for

WE: too, welcome the victory

of the British Labor Party,
which was a tremendous defeat
for Toryism. But we are not
unmindful of the fact that both
outside ond inside the Labor
Party there are those who seek

By DEMETRIOS
CHRISTOPHORIDES

The National Liberation Front
—EAM—wWhite Book. Vol. 1,
May, 1944 — March, 1945.
English translation published
by the Greek American
Council], 152 W. 42 St. Price
$1.00.

THs comprehensive book con-

tains official documents,
facts and figures of the Greek
resistance movement. It gives
the lie to all British Tory prop-
aganda; throws light on many
obscure points; answers many
questions.

The Greek national resistance
movement known as the EAM-
ELAS ® (National Liberation
Front—Greek People’s Libera-
tion Army) although one of
the three most successful peo-
ple’s movements of Europe
(the Yugoslav and the French
are the other two) is’ the most

The National Resistance Fro

slandered, calumnied and black-'
ed out. i

Harry Pollitt, Secretary of
the British Communist Party,
speaking before a large Com-
munist meeting at Blackpool on
Sept. 9 declared: “We have a
stain on our name. There is
no small power in the world
which has given so much in the
war as Greece has.”

Yes, British propaganda. is
mainly responsible for the un-
precedented defamation of one
of the most famous people’s
Struggles in the history of
Greece, perhaps in «ll history.
The British Tories schemed
against the EAM since 19438
when the tide of war had turn-
ed against thé Germans at
Stalingrad.

During the occupation, Tory
agents in Greece, while pre-
tending friendship with the
ELAS and utilizing it in eriti-
cal periods (such as when the

Allies, prep aring to land in
Italy, planned to divert the
Nazis’ attention towards the
Balkans) were approaching

Greek quislings and leaders of
the old political parties to in-
stigate organized attacks
against the National Libera-
tion Front.

THE quislings were promised

protection at the victorious
termination of the war. The
Nazis overlooked all these act-
ivities both because they were
interested in destroying the
EAM-ELAS as the only force
in. Greece which was able to
interfere with their military
movements and administration,
and because they preferred to
leave behind them a British-
Greek quisling regime rather
than the EAM-ELAS.

In pursuing their anti-EAM
POlicies, the British contributed
greatly in the fal] of 1943 to the

reactionary groups and.

nt-E

_ Leeper.

alization of those
which the labor m:
the conimon peop)!
voted. One of the:
is seen in ‘the aby:
The Labor Part»
these CCF’ers is n)
whereby democra_
strengthened in Fy;
rather a means wh *
be hindered an(—
from coming to { :
them the victory ¢ |
Party is the sign: 4
able action to und |
with the USSR, 4%
with the liberation —
of Europe, to pr,
costs the srowin
wards : organic ans
working class bet
munists and Socialy
the only suaran
tion and fascism wi
@ comeback in By]
they reach an exty ;
“Journalism”

ee
when |
echo the reactionary |
talitarian Communi.
What the edito;

. CCF paper have in.
ously is that the Br |
Government will qj ,
bridgehead, under §
defending democrae |
tice, to undermine ¢ |
racy —the Mdemocrac —
emerging in the cour
battle against fasejj
above editors, thes —
cies offer only “des ©
and the emergency
tarian  dictatorshi
where.” To them 4
racy and justice e; |
“minorities,” i.e |
imperialism and its |
are allowed full free
tion.

i

3h phate Ie

planning and econo —
racy” has existeg
number of years.
they did so, all th
ments would fall ij {
of cards. a
The labor moveme: |
anti-fascists, throu {
own _ bitter . experie j
learning that those” ¥|
about “abstract justi f
ably end up, whether.
conscious of it or !
vants of reactionar
forces. 2

formation of the See:
talions, Nazi -contz
ed forces. By April,
their bloody attack
pro-EHAM Middle Es
Army and Navy the
cided to change plan:

Charged with the
was the British
accredited ito the

landing to L
the British decided
cause of the appearan
Red Army on the -
border ready to drive &
Balkan peninsula. i

_ With the exception
of land around Arta i
controlled by the Gr %
hailovich, Napoleon
and the big cities and
territory around the
road lines, al] Greece
trolled by the EAM-E
British, with Genera

SATURDAY, OCT: