Baa Page 12 — P. A. Features, March 3 News Of The Belgium Left By SERGEANT JACK PHILLIPS. I have just returned from spending a 48-hour leave in Brussels, my first leave since On the surface Brussels looks happy and gay, but one does not have to probe far beneath the surface to find hunger, want and political frustra- landing in France on July 26. tion. During my short stay I had the opportunity to meet Bel- gians of many classes and ideologies, and I took the op- portunity to ask many ques- tions. a On the whole, the general , attitude is one of frustration. Eyerywhere you hear people say: “Well, what can we do about it? SBritain wants to keep the present government in power and we are helpless.” Shades’ of Greece! Among the - upper classes and even in certain financial and industrial circles you will find the same opinions, but often qualified with the Churehill-Scobie formula of ‘taking strong measures to avoid the communist putsch.” “The communists did good work during the occupation,” some will tell you, “but then they tried to organize a putsch when the government was weak and unpopular. That's why Britain interfered, to prevent a revolution and protect her supply lines. Why did the gov- ernment refuse to incorporate the resistance movements into the armed forces? Because the communists had . key men spread all through the resis- tance movement and they wanted to organize a putsch.” You listen politely, and then ask: “But what about France, with a provisional government based on the resistance move- ment, where the communists are even stronger?” “France, Monsuier, has De Gaulle. He is a symbol of great- ness. We have Pierlot, a sym- bol of futility.” Thus, it is all a matter of mystic symbolism to such peo- ple. De Gaulle is not great be- cause he represents national unity embracing all anti-fascist forces—-and Pierlot is not weak because he represents a futile emigre government. No, this thesis would be too simple, and its acceptance would lead only to difficult thoughts, and even more difficult action. into the office of | dropped (the “The Drapeau Rouge” Red Flag), organ of the Com-. munist Party of Belgium. Pub- lished in French and Flemish, the paper is housed; along with the Gommunist Party of Bel- gium, in what used to be the headquarters of the Rexists (Belgian Fascists) during the occupation. I was successful in obtaining an interview with a member of the staff whom I queried with a view to obtaining his party's view on what has transpired in Belgium since the return of the Pierlot government. “Was the food situation im- proved since your city’s libera- tion?” J asked. “In some respects yes in some respects no. For in- stance, under the Germans Wwe had 250 grams of bread a day, per person, and now we have 350. “Concerning fats, we received middle- 250 grams a month, per per- son, under the Germans. Now our ration is 100 grams 2a month, but we've had no ration in three months.” “Where is it going?” “The black market, of course. Butter and milk used to be dis- tributed through the CNAA (Corporation National Agricul- ture Allimentation), but it was a collaborationist organization and it was dissolved) With nothing to replace it, distribu- tion has broken down. “Ts there no official ration of fats whatsoever?” “Qh yes, we had 400 grams of margerine this month, and we are to have 500 grams next month. Maybe you are inter- ested in our meat ration? Un- der the Germans we had 50, then 85 and finally 25 grams of meat per person, per day. Now, our ration is 35, but not always available’ “What are the facts behind the coal shortage?” “This is a very complicated situation, but I wall give you a few highlights. (If you wish, you can have some back copies of our paper and get a more complete picture.) To begin with, it is true that there is insufficient wood for props, but it is also true that many mine owners are not using their full supplies of pit props. Be- fore the war, timber came largely from Sweden and Fin- land, but after the Germans came, we began to get our tim- ber from the Ardennes. The recent German offensive cut off this source of supply. Then, the number of miners decreased by 20,000. The Germans had slave labor from all over Bur- ope in the mines, and also in- duced many voung “Belgians who were not miners, to ac- cept work in the mines by promising them immunity from deportation to Germany. “Now, the slave workers have gone, and thousands of young imen who went to the -mines unwillingly have left to seek other employment. Even in peace time, we had many foreign workers in our mines.” “Js there insufficient trans- port to move miners, timbers “and coal to where they are most needed?” “The transportation system is in a bad way, granted, but coal is getting to the black market. In our opinion, the mine directors are deliberately holding production down in or- der to sell a large part of their limited output to black market outlets. us, there is a much greater profit to be made in producing a small amount that sells for 7,000 franes a ton than there is in producing as much as possible at, say 500 francs a ton. However, the govern- ment has announced that a new organization has been set up to handle the distribution of coal, and we are looking for- ward to an improvement.” “FS the trade union movement strong in Belgium?” “Yes, but not as strong as it would be if we had complete unity. Before the war, we had two great trade union syndi- cates: Catholic and Socialist. The Socialist Syndicate had a membership of. 700,000 before the war and the Christian Syn- dicate a membership of 300,000. The latter was an affiliate of’ the Catholic Party and had most of its strength in Flan- ders, while the Socialist “Syndi- cate had most of its strength in Walloon Belgium, where the Socialists and Communists also had much influence. During the occupation, when trade union activity was carried on clandestine fashion, the in a Committee De Lutte Syndicate sprang up, uniting all clandes- tine groups and carrying on active organizational, proepa- ganda and sabotage work in the mines, shops, factories, transportation field, and so on. Today, the Committee De Lutte™ (Committee of Struggle) still embraces a large part of the old syndicates, and is tackling the problem of achieving or- ganic unity between the two federations of workers, thus creating one, united trade union movement in Belgium. While we are proud, as party mem- bers, that our party took the initiative in organizing this committee im the face of savage Gestapo ltertor, we are not pressing for unity with any ul- terior motives in mind. We want to see the workingclass of Belgium united and strong. While we carry on intensive educational and organizational work from below, to win the masses for unity, we are never- theless leaving no stone un- turned in achieving unity of thought. purpose and organiza- tion among the respective leaders of the workers. The present government has no popular support and a general demoralization has set in among the peonle. We must unite the workingclass. The German invasion of the Arden- nes saved the Pierlot govern- ment, but nothing fundamental has been solved. The execution has been stayed.” ‘PELL me,’ I asked, “what is the composition of the pres- ent parliament ?” “The composition is as fol- lows: Catholic Party 74, Lib- erals 23, Socialists 65, Commu- nists 8. Five of the Commu- nist deputies are prisoners in Germany. Sixteen seats for- merly held by the VNV, a weak collaborationist group, are va- eant—also four formerly held by the Rexists, who-were out- and-out fascists.” “Then the Catholics, Liberals and Socialists form the govern- ment ?’ “Yes. Our two ministers withdrew because the govern- ment refused to incorporate the resistance forces inte the regu- lar armed forces of the nation. Another minister, representing the resistance movement also resigned.” “What is the strength of the Communist Party ?”’ 5 “Jt is impossible to give an accurate figure, but if an elec-_ tion were held tomorrow we would probably increase our representation from eight to 35 seats. Even more than the national government in Britain, our government does not re- present the political relations outside the house of parliament. This emigre government has failed to serve the people pre- cisely because the Conditions today, and the relative strength of the different parties de- mands a government with greater left and militant demo- cratic representation.” “Ts it the aim of your party to force the present govern- ment to the wall, as your slo- gans indicated after the shoot ings ?’ “Ein bas livec Pierlot! By all means! But with the Ger- mans back in Belgium a tactical change was necessary. To strike at such a time would have meant to help the Ger- mans. We are still, however, working to replace the govern- ment by a left-democratic co- alition of Socialists, Commu- nists, leftwing Liberals and the more progressive wing of the Gatholic Party (called the Christian Democrats)” “Are your relations with the Socialist Party good?” “They could be better. If we had a united front with them on all major problems, the formation of a govern, ment, the solution of Belgian’s problems would be much easier to bring about. Unfortunately, Social Democrats are not al- ways easy to work with—espe- cially the top leaders.” “Your press devotes much space to criticizing the govern- ment for beimg too lenient with collaborationists. Why?” “Because it is so. Sixty thousand collaborators are in prison—true—but very few of the greater economic collabo- rators are in prison. Qne man who betrayed another to the Germans, and thus caused his death, received only two years in prison. This is not justice!” There .is no doubt that the economic structure of Belgium including . is suffering from many } deficiences and painful a tions. : ee Available transport is oj fraction of what it was b the war. Raw materials, and lubricants are in yery supply. Industrial plants equipment have become out, and, to a great 2 obsolete due to lack of rej ; { The greater part of the tion’s rolling stock is sa: be disabled, and official es” tes place the number of y ‘cars and trucks availab: less than ten percent of : War Standing. : After nearly five years ¢ ing on their live-stock (1 fed by want of oil cake im ed from abroad) the buj up of livesteck herds yall from five to ten years. | there is hardly a great pro. of increased meat and production unless cattle ari ported. Six hundred ehomsnns gians have been dragge Germany for slave labor. — _enty thousand officers and are still prisoners of war, ” Financially the Germar cupation swindled Belgiun of 136,000,000 frances. This not include material de: tion, requisitions,, plunc and the loss represented b 670,000 prisoners in Germ The cost in money equals ten years of Belg normal budget. Real and potential cur amounts to 183,000,006 three times aS much as 1 1940. The national debt ~ at 175,000 millions, or times as much as in May Belgium has been cruel] bed, exploited and starve nearly five years. The ¢ — on the nation’s health apr - rible to relate. Ht is esti that the average constr © today is as low as 1400 @ per day. Outwardly, id the towr | cities, the casual soldi leave does not notice the + hunger and frustration o gium—but they are very ~ Faced with such an acu: | sis, is it any wonder th! | question of left -=dem: unity is the paramount gt for all true Belgian pai All of us Canadian s™ who have fond memories warm welcome in Belgiv of us who have friends’ and learned to love thit industrious country — Wi - cerely hope that Belgiui soon achieve national based on the best and hea | elements in the body ~ We also hope that, oni war is over, the 4a'| of Belgium will spare 7 pense to help her on he again—and they will givi ly to a popular democrat — ernment truly represe of the people’s will. @ (Ed.: This story was | ten before Peirlot’s re: tion.)