| April 26, 1940.

THE

ADVOCATE

) they are asking, and so they should, for
}) ground for apprehension.

» After all, many are asking, is
| there any reason to believe that
; cur government is not now pre
{ paring for conscription? Have
* We any reason to think that a
‘ fovernment which drafted the re-
» gulations of the War Measures
/ Act im secret 18 months before
> the war started, is not now pre-
| paring the machinery for the in-
/ troduction of conscription?
' And, it seems, certain things
are being done of which the
* people hear only disquieting frag-

mentary reports. More than one
Candidate in the recent federal
elections publicly charged that
the government
placed an order for registration
forms with a big Toronto print-
ing firm. Since this charge has
never been denied, we must con-
clude that it is indeed based on
hard truth.

There is the time-worn adage
to the effect that “coming events
cast their shadows before them,”
And certainly, the shadows of

AGNES SMEDLEY TELLS
| STORY OF GUERRILLAS

CHUNGEKING.

HIN and worn from repeated bouts of malaria, Agnes
Smedley, noted American writer and ardent supporter

§, of China’s struggle for freedom, is now in this capital of the
j Chinese Nationalist government after eighteen months spent

( with guerrilla units of the Communist New Fourth army in

_ Anhwei, Honan and Hupeh. For part of that time she lived in
areas nominally under Japanese occupation.

In an interview here Miss Smedley said she was with a group
of guerrilla fighters thirty miles outside Hankow. Messengers
made a number of trips into Hankow, cleverly evading Japa-
nese vigilance, and purchased and transported medical and
other supplies to the guerrilla bases.

Miss Smedley describes the state of incessant and relentless
strife between guerrilla units and the Japanese, with the former
pitting swift movement, knowledge of the country and close
cooperation with the people against the superior armament
and motorized mobility of the puppet henchemen of the
Japanese.

The Japanese are relentlessly enforcing an embargo on
medical supplied from occupied points into free territory, Miss
Smedley said, and as a result conditions of appalling suffering
exist among the civilian population of the Yangtze valley.
Their villases were plundered and burned in the Japanese
advance up the river to Hankow. The people are living the
lives of animals under conditions of semi-starvation and ram-
pant disease for millions, she declared.

| STOP THE WAR NOW,
URGES DEAN

j AP THIS brief article the Dean of Canterbury, whose pam-

phlei, Act Now, has been read by millions of people, sets

forth his reasons for urging the calling of a peace conference
and stopping the war now.

A® A Christian minister I desire peace. As a humanitarian
I shrink from slaughter which may cost millions of lives
and gravely endanger western civilization which despite its
defects has inestimable qualities.
_ The results of the last great war yield no encouragement
+ to a belief that a similar bloodbath will bring better results.
(Nor do I anticipate an easy or speedy overthrow of Hitler and
' the Nazi regime by war.)
The only alternative is a negotiated peace. I desire there-
, fore a real peace conference attended not only by belligerents
_ but by all great neutral powers and in particular by the United
States and the Soviet Union.
This conference should redraw the frontiers of Europe
more justly than Versailles. It should also lay down principles
of religious, racial and social freedom and provide guarantees
_ tor their enforcement. ;
| Such a conference seems better calculated to achieve a just
peace than one at the end of an exhausting and prolonged War
with all the hatred and bitterness it must result in, and where
vengeance would supplant justice as the dominating motive.

E A PEACE conference may not be immediately possible. It
may not be possible at all if any of the combatants start
a serious offensive by land or air of which at the moment
there seems small likelihood, though unfortunately any mad-

[ ness or stupidity is possible.

i The highly fortified lines where the antagonists face one
another in the west discourage an attack which must inevitably
cost the assailant so dearly in men and munitions as to court
almost certain disaster. Germany has scant encouragement
and indeed insufficient need to do so. For the Allies it would

| be a gambler’s throw.

A small but powerful group in England are still anxious,
consistent with their usual attitude, to start a holy war against
Bolshevism by launching the large army of white, black, brown
and yellow races accumulated in the Near Hast against the
Armenian and Azerbaijan Socialist Soviet Republics. The
present situation, however, has lessened the danger of an
eastern extension of the war which, as matters stand today,
would almost certainly mean the end of the British empire.

Wiser counsels are likely to prevail. The alternatives then
are to continue as at present with social discontent and financial
bankruptey staring us in the face, or to get around the table,
leaving a disillusioned German people to settle their own
accounts with Hitler. =

Since President Roosevelt is not altogether disinterested in
a third presidential term — and what could better ensure it

‘than being the world’s peacemaker — I anticipate diplomatic

and economic pressure on recalcitrant military powers ensuring
a conference some time in the summer. But that conference,
if it is to succeed, must without any doubt include the United
States and the Soviet Union. Should this bring peace in ie
west, might it also not bring peace in the east, to poor Sere
I can well imagine that Japan would welcome a peace that
would save its face.

So my reason argues. I am well aware, however, that we
live in an irrational and dangerous world where blind folly
akin to madness might at any moment precipitate disaster.

:

|

already had ~

conscription are plain upon the
Canadian political scene. Some
of them appear as the official
S°vernment policy; some as the
views of individuals, organiza-
tions and newspapers.

@

T IS interesting to note how

closely the Strategy of the pres-
ent government is following that
of the Borden government in
igi4i7. First, there are promises
that there will be no conserip-
tion while at the same time an
expeditionary force is sent over-
Seas. Second, there is the order-
ing of national registration, al-
ready broadly hinted at in the
press. Third, there is the intro-
duction of conscription as ‘a ne-
cessary military step,’ to which
national registration is a prelude.

In this regard a pertinent quo-
tation from a speech delivered by
Sir Robert Borden in the House
of Commons in 1917 throws a re-
vealing light upon the course now
being followed by the King goy-
ernment. Borden stated:

“It must be obvious to every-
one that 4 divisions require 4
times more recruits than a sin-
gle one, and enrolments at the
present time are no longer suf-
ficient to fill the gaps. We are
left with the alternatives of
letting our forces decrease from
4 divisions to three, from three
to two, and possibly from two
to one, or to reinforce them by
other means than by voluntary
Service. This is the problem
which Canada is facing today.”

With this as the background,
the statement made on March
19 by Hon. Sam Gobell, former
postmaster general in the Ben-
nett government, can better be
assayed for its real significance.

“Gonseription is the legical
conclusion of participation. . . .
The number of soldiers is a
matter to be decided by cir-
cumstances. When voluntary
enlistment being no longer suf-
ficient you will have conscrip-
tion.”

Well informed circles are al-
ready beginning to speak of a
‘vast Canadian army’ in Europe.
An example of this is to be found
in an article by Edward Doher-
ty, war commentator for Liberty,
who, in the April 20 isstle of that
magazine, wrote:

“Several thousand Canadian
soldiers, the advance guard of a
great army, (my emphasis), have
arrived safely ‘somewhere in
England,’ and are getting ready
for life—or death—on the Mas-
inot front. Other thousands wiil
follow soon” (my emphasis
again).

e@

NOTHER sinister shadow fore-
telling the coming event is
to be found in the attitude of big
business. The recent speech made
by H. R. McMillan, who is one of
the top men in the Canadian big
business world, at a gathering of
Vancouver businessmen, is signi-
ficant He quite readily told
them not to kid themselves into
believing that Britain doesn’t
need our manpower.

The influence of big business
in Canadian universities (to
which it often makes big dona-
tions) is another threatening fac-
tor. Events on the different cam-
puses across the country are an
indication of the indirect influ-
ence of big business and the
lengths to which it will go to
smash organizations that might
provide a centre for anti-con-

scription sentiment among the
students. The breaking up of a
Students meeting called to con-

Sider a conscription question-
naire at one of our large eastern
universities by a gang of hood-
lums was one indication. Another
was the attempt to ban the Can-
adian Students Assembly at the
University of BC. Although the
reactionaries failed to have the
CSA banned, they did succeed in
preventing a questionnaire on

FS COSSCRIDPTION DEANNED?

By MAURICE RUSH
(CONSE EON fas word more than any other is driving fear into the hear

leaders have given assurances that conscription will not be introduced, the people are skeptical. They know that their
» fathers were told there would be no conscription in the first world war—but t

t theless. Are the promises given by Kins and Lapointe more valid than the pledges made by Borden? This is the question
there are many things happening in our country these days which provide fertile

ts of our people. Even though government

hey know that there was conscription never-

conscription from being distri-
buted among the students.

@
ERTAIN illusions held by
large sections of the people
are being carefully fostered in
order to weaken their vigilance
against conscription.

One of these is that Canada’s
primary role in the Huropean
war is that of providing the Al-
lies with the ‘economic sinews of
war.’ But the fact that Canadian
troops are already in Europe, the
fact that Prime Minister King
has already made pointed refer-
ence to the ‘tens of thousands
of young Canadians’ to follow
them, should suffice to show that
the economic is not to be Gan-
ada’s only role.

Another very dangerous view
held by a large number of people
is that a plebiscite will be the
only democratic way to decide
the issue. The democratic senti-
ments of the people are to be

used in order to deceive them
and to achieve undemocratic
ends.

How is it possible to speak of
a democratic plebiscite under the
War Measures Act—by means of
which the government is arrest-
ing opposition to its policy? How
is it possible to have a democratic
plebiscite when the government
has already taken the step in
sending an expeditionary force
overseas which would inevitably
influence the results?

The numerically small’ but
powerful forces that will launch
a campaign for conscription when
they judge the time to be right
are counting upon the passivity
of the people to aid them in
achieving their end. They hope
that the people will be fooled by
assurances that there will be no
conscription, while at the same
time they are insiduously pre-
Paring the publie for it, until it
will begin to appear to many as
if Conscription is inevitable and
there is no way of defeating it.

A recent manifesto issued by
the Quebec Bloc Universitaire,
the central body of Quebec uni-
versities, notes this dangerous
passivity in the following quota-
tion:

“The conscriptionist propa-
ganda is becoming more and

more intensive. Im the near
future, unless some actual re-
action is witnessed, everybody
will be inclined to believe that
conscription appears inevitable.
- . - Jt is our conviction that
conscription can be averted.”
The idea that the people can

do nothing to defeat conscription
is dangerous and erroneous. In
the final analysis the power to
stop conscription lies in the
hands of the people. But to be
effective the people must see
clearly and act quickly.

LREADY there are signs that
the people are awakening to

the threat of conscription. From
the Atlantic to the Pacific move-
ments are rising. In Quebec one-
third of the population of Canada
is against conscription. Through-
out the English-speaking parts
of Canada many organizations of
Women, youth and trade union-
ists have shown their opposition.
The provincial Youth Congress
held in Vancouver during Easter
week-end has given q lead by

_ calling for an anti-conscription

campaign. At its first council
meeting a committee was elected
to launch such a campaign imme-
diately. Everywhere support is
being given to this work, and the
example can be followed else-
where.

Organized opposition by the
people can stop Canadian big
business and the King govern-
ment from bringing in conscrip-
tion. The government can be
obliged to keep its pledges. There
must be no repetition of the be-
trayal of 1917. The people must
be heard.

CATHOLIC ORGAN CRITICIZES ACT

(Reprinted from the April issue of the Social Forum)

A N ADDITIONAL tribute to Canadian apathy is the fact
that Prime Minister King managed to get by without prom-

ising to do a single thing about these same Defense of Canada
regulations, which establish a state of simple tyranny in this
free Dominion (free from what?—well, leprosy). Under one
of the more pleasant clauses, the minister of justice may clamp
down on your business, spirit you off in the night and sock you
away in jail without even allowing you to defend yourself in so
much as a magistrate’s court—and you have absolutely no re-
dress. It is true that most of us will not be affected by these
regulations, so long as we support the war and its conduct, but
it is intolerable that they should exist and be enforced.

What possible excuse can there be for wartime censorship,
apart from information which would be of direct assistance to
the enemy? If a few radicals choose to attack the whole busi-
ness of the war, why must they be tossed into prison and fined
extortionate sums? It is hard to see what serious effect on
recruiting could result from such utterances, granted that our
ease for war is good and our publicity effective. And the gov-
ernment is presumably confident of the justice of the case; it
certainly has every means of publicity within its reach.

SHORT
JABS

by OF Bill

Wha We Hold a Press Drive

The Advocate is essentially different from any capitalist paper.
Capitalist newspapers are property in the full meaning of the term.
They belong to individuals, to companies or corporations. Some of
them are even owned by industrial trusts or big railroad corporations.

They perform two functions: they must make profits and they must
serve to mold public opinion. If a strike has to be broken they must
work up a venomous hatred on the part of the ‘people’ against the
strikers. If a war in the interest of the capitalists is to be launched,
they must make the masses of the people war-minded. Their first
interest must always be the interest of the capitalist class.

The Advocate is different. It is published in the interest of the
workers. And the workers who are its readers determine its policies.
its only function is to spread propaganda for the ideas which make for
the welfare of the working class. Therefore it is not a capitalist paper.
It does not provide dividends for any individual owner or group of
owners. It belongs to its readers. It is their property in the sense
that they own it, just as the Southam family owns the Vancouver
Province or ‘Rat’ Hearst owns the Seattle ‘Pig’s Bye.”

But it is not property in the capitalist meaning of the term at all,
for it is not a profit-making institution. In fact, the reader-owners who
appreciate the fact that it is their paper, have to dig down in their
jeans every so often to meet the accrued bills which have not been
covered by the regular income from sales, subscriptions and advertising.

And Whose Paper Is Ht?

The Advocate might be compared to the Vancouver Symphony Or-
chestra. The function of that orchestra is to raise the cultural level
of the Vancouver people, to draw them away from Tin Pan Alley
and interest them in the beauties of the world’s great musical artists.
it is not a profit-making institution either, and SO, every So often,
it has to appeal to the lovers of good music to help to maintain it.
They do, because they consider it is their orchestra.

There is one difference, however. There are Many who make do-
nations to the symphony orchestra’s appeal, not because they have
any love for Beethoven or Tchaikovsky or Sibelius, but for the adver-
tising it brings them, either socially or in business,

Nobody donates to the Advocate on that basis, The publication of
their names might lay them open to persecution. In some cases it would
be economic suicide. They might find themselves in the same position
as the anti-war candidate in the Kettering, England, byelection, about
six weeks ago, Councillor Ross, and his election agent, Councillor
Caldwell, who were fired immediately the election was over, by the
firm they worked for, Stewart & Liloyd’s, the tubemakers, one of the
biggest firms in the British iron and steel industry.

In the Soviet Union symphony orchestras and working class papers
do not have to appeal for sustaining funds and anti-war candidates
or other workers do not get fired off the job for their political
opinions. But we don’t live in the Soviet Union.

So the readers who own the Advocate have to pay the freight. This
column has undertaken to raise $305.02. If you, as one of the owners
of the Advocate, have not made your contribution, send it along right
away. It will gladden more hearts than mine.

Republique Franeats

On Feb. 24, 1848, revolution broke out in Paris. Louis Philippe,
the Citizen King, lost his job. It was a burgeois revolution, but the
timid bourgeoisie were afraid of the workers who had launched the
revolution. They were scared it would become too much of a revolu-
tion. They hoped to find a new king quickly. They wanted to curb
any growth of the revolutionary tradition of 1789.

They had a provisional government appointed which met in the
Hotel de Ville. On Feb. 25 they were still looking for a king. On that
day, the Blanquist revolutionary, Raspail, entered the Hotel de Ville
and in the name of the proletariat of Paris, ordered the provisional
government to proclaim France a republic, and should this order of
the people not be fulfilled within two hours, he would return at the
head of 200,000 men.

The search for a king ceased. Within two hours the royal arms
were hauled down and on the walls of all public buildings in Paris
appeared, ‘Republique Francais—Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite.’ So was
born the Second French Republic. 2

Later Raspail’s name received public recognition by one of the
streets of Paris being named ‘Boulevard Raspail,’ Today it receives
world recognition, for the principal building on the Boulevard Raspail
is the Sante prison, companion piece to that other torture chamber for
the working class, the headquarters of the Nazi police on the Alexander
Platz in Berlin.

Eiberte, Egalite, Fraternite

In that Sante prison, over the gate of which is chiselled ‘Liberte,
Egalite, Fraternite,’ have lain for almost half a year now, a little group
of thirty-five men, who with nine others who have ‘absconded,’ are
the greatest Frenchmen of their §eneration, elected deputies of the
class which represents all the revolutionary traditions of France.

In comparison with their persecutors, they shine like the noon-day
sun beside a penny dip. Jean Duclos, veteran of the last war, ‘mutile,’
kept alive by the closest medical attention only, operated on twenty-
three times for war injuries, who, if he does not die in prison, will
certainly go blind, elected deputy to represent the workers and war-
veterans of one of the Paris suburbs, was decorated by a ‘zrateful
country’ with the Legion of Honor,’ the Medaille Miliaire and the
Cross de Guerre. Today, with his fellows he is called a traitor to
France, “in the pay of a foreign power allied with an enemy,” as the
‘socialist,’ Paul Faure, put it, in informing a group of British Labor
party leaders, (Atlee, Noel Baker, Dalton and Barbara Gould).

Ten others of the thirty-five are veterans of the last war, as are
some of those who have evaded arrest. Their accusers—Daladier, Bon-
net, Herriot—refused, were afraid, to face them in court, even though
the trial was held in secret. °

Another Raspail will show up in France—soon!

Thre Duteh East Indian Bone

The unseemly haste on the part of some of the world powers,
Britain, Japan and the United States, to ‘protect’ the Dutch Bast
Indies in event of Huropean Holland being ‘protected’ by Nazi Ger-
many, resembles nothing so much as a pack of hungry dogs around
a bone.

In the case of the dogs, they maneuver like yachts on the startine
line in a race trying to catch the windward berth, Hach dog is afraid
to make the first grab but keeps a watchful eye on all the others,

With the powers, each is vociferous in its desires to prevent the
Dutch Indies—and its tin and oil—from falling into the hands of any
of the other—dogs, shall we say. And Holland is not in the war yet

it is on a par with the proposal now being discussed seriously by
senators and congressmen in the United States. Believing that Britain
may have to visit the pawnbroker before the war is ended, these rep-
resentatives of democracy propose that Britain’s war-debt for the last
war be liquidated in return for the cession of British possessions in the
Caribbean.

This trade, they say, would be a protection for the Panama canal,
When the Soviet Union offered Finland 25,000 square miles of its ter-
ritory in return for a small part of the Karelian isthmus, for the
protection of the Soviet borders, it was hailed by these same senators
and congressmen as a criminal proposal. What is the difference now?

These are but further demonstrations of the hypocrisy of the foreign
policies of capitalist nations.

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