Wovember 10, 1939 THE advo CATE Page Threa Amperialist | Soviet Union last week: } 1 number of years. Polish nationalities. bankruptcy. ' guarantees were. Gause radical changes in the only in Europe. int changes in the international situation, certain old formulas, ‘ormulas which we employed until Die are and to which many peo- isle are so accustomed, are now 4 inap-— 4 We must be quite clear m this point soasto avoid making sross errors in judging the new solitical situation that has devel- ped in Europe. ' We know, for example, that in the past few months such _concepts as “aggressor” and “ag | Sression’ have acquired new con- crete copnotetions, new meaning. )it is not hard to understand that )we can no longer employ these /concepts in the sense we did, i say three or four months ago. Teday, as far as great Euro- pean powers are concerned, Ger- Many is in the position of a state which is striving for the earliest termination of the war and for peace, while Britain and France, | which but yesterday were de- | Claiming against aggression, are in favor of contimuing the war and are opposed to the conclu- sion of peace. The roles, you see, are chang- ing. The efforts of the British and French governments to justify this Aew position of theirs on the srounds of their undertakings to Poland are of course obviously un- sGund. Everybody wyealizes that there can be no question of restor- ing old Poland. it is therefore 2bsurd te continue the present war ander the flag of restoration of -he former Polish state. Although he governments of Britain and "Trance understand this, they do aGt want the war stopped and ve€ace restored, but are seeking 1¢w excuses for continuing the War with Germany. The ruling icircles of Britain nd France have lately been at- €mptinge to depict themselves as thampions of democratic rights of ations asainst Hitlerism, and the sritish government kas announced hat its aim in the war with Ger Hany is nothing more or less than lestruction of Hitlerism. it amounts te this, that the British, and with them, the French supporters of the war, have declared something in the mature cf an ideological war on Germany, reminiscent of the wars of olden times. In fact, relizious wars against heretics and religiqus dissenters were euce the fashion. As we know, they led to dire results for the masses, to economic ruin and the cultural deterioration of na- ‘viously out of date and » licable. Of War Obvious, Premier Declares (By Inter-Continent News) | MOSCOW, USSR.—following is the text of -livered by Premier-Foreign Commissar Vyacheslav Molotov at 'the extraordinary fifth session of the Supreme Soviet of the There have been important changes in the international situa- ‘tion during the past two months. This applies above all to ‘Europe, but also to countries far beyond the confines of Europe. 4 In this connection mention should be made of three principal j/circumstances which are of decisive importance: —Mention should be made of changes that have taken place in relations between the Soviet Union and Germany. Since conclusion of the Soviet-German non-agsression pact on Aug. 23, an end has been made to the abnormal relations that have existed between the Soviet Union and Germany for a Instead of enmity, which was fostered in every way by certain European powers, we now have rapprochement and establishment of friendly relations between the USSR and Germany. Further improvement of these new relations, good relations, found its reflection in the German-Soviet Treaty of Amity and Frontiers, signed in Moscow on Sept. 28. This radical change in relations between the Soviet Union and Germany, the two biggest states in Europe, was bound to have its effect on the entire international situation. .Further- more, events have entirely confirmed the estimation of po- litical significance of the Soviet-German rapprochement given at the last session of the Supreme Soviet. Ae ae must be made of such a fact as the defeat of Poland in war and the collapse of the Polish state. The ruling circles of Poland boasted quite a lot about the stability of their state and the might of their army. However, one swift blow to Poland, first by the German army and then by the Red army, and nothing was left of this ugly offspring of the Versailles Treaty which had existed by oppressings non- The traditional policy of unprincipled maneuvering be- = tween Germany and the USSR, and of playing one off against _ the other, has proved unsound and has suffered complete | 3 must be admitted that the big war that has flared up i in Europe has caused radical changes in the entire inter- /national situation. This war began as a war between Germany and Poland and turned into a war between Germany on one hand and France and Britain on the other. The war between Germany and Poland ended quickly ow- ing to the utter bankruptcy of the Polish leaders. As we know, neither the British nor the French guarantees were of help »to Poland. To this day, in fact, nobody knows what these The war between Germany and the Anglo-French bloc is ouly in its first stage and has not yet been really developed. eat is nevertheless clear that a war like this was bound to in connection with these import-© Character the report de- Foreign Policy Of USSR Outlined By Premier Molotov land, that it is mot a fight for de- mocracy, but something else whicn these gentlement do not speak of openly? The real cause of the Anglo— French war with Germany was not that Britain and France had yowed to restore old Poland, and not, of course, that they decided to undertake a fight for democra- ey. The ruling circles of Britain and France have, of course, other and more actual motives for soing to war with Germany. These mo- tives do not lie in any ideology, but in their profoundly material interests as mighty colonial pow- ers. Britain, with a population of AT,- 000,000, possesses colonies with 2 “population of 480,000,000. The col- onial empire of France, whose pop- ulation doesn’t exceed 42,000,000, embraces a population of 70,000,000 in French colonies. The possession of these colonies which makes pos- Sible the exploitation of hundreds of millions of people is the foun- dation of the world supremacy of Britain and France. It is the fear of Germanys claims to these col- Onial possessions that is at the boi- tom of the present war of Eng- land and France with Germany, which has Srown substantially stronger of late as a result of the collapse of the Versailles Treaty. It is the fear of losing world supremacy that dictates to the ruling circles of Britain and France the policy of fomenting War with Germany. Thus, the imperialist character of this war is obvious to anyone who wants to face realities and doesn’t clese his eyes to facts. One can see from all this who is interested in this war which is being waged for world supremacy. Certainly not the working class. We have consistently pursued this course, which in no wise was contradicted by the entry of our troops into the territory of the former Polish state, beginning on Sept. 17. It will be sufficient to recall the fact that on that same Gay, Sept 17, the Soviet govern- ment sent a special note to all Situation in Hurope—and not Premier Molotov tions. These wars could have moe other outcome. But they i were wars of the middle ages. fis it back to the middle ages, to the days of religious wars, super- stition and cultural deterioration, that the ruling classes of Britain and France want to drag us? In any case, under an “ideologi- cal’ flag has now been started a war of even greater dimensions and fraught with even greater danger for the peoples of Europe and the whole world. But there is absolutely no justification for a war of this kind. Qne may accept or reject the ideology of iHtierism, as well as states with which it maintains dip- lomatie relations, declaring that the USSR will continue its policy of neutrality in its relations with them. It is known that our troops entered the territory of Poland only after the Polish state had collapsed and actually ceased to exist, Naturally we could not remain neutral towards these facts, since as a result of these events, we were confronted with urgent prob- lems concerning the security of Gur state. - Furthermore, the Soviet sovern- ment could not but reckon with the exceptional situation created for our brothers in Western Uk- raine and Western Byelorussia, who had been abandoned to their fate as a result of the collapse of the Polish state. Subsequent events fully con- firmed that the new Soviet-Ger- man relations are based on a firm foundation of mutual interests. After the Red Army units entered the territory of the former Polish State, serious questions arose re- lating to the delimitation of the state interests of the USSR and Germany. These questions were promptly settled by mutual agree— ment. The German-Soviet Treaty on Amity and Frontiers between the USSR and Germany, concluded at the end of September, has consoli- dated our relations with the Ger- man state. The relations between Germany and other West Puro- pean bourgeois states have in the past been determined primarily by Germany's efforts to break the any other ideological system. That is a matter of political views. But everybody will understand that ideolosy cannot be destroyed by force, that it cannot be eliminated by war. It is therefore not only senseless but criminal to wage such a war aS a war for the ‘de structign of Hfitlerism,’ camou- tlaged as a fight for “democracy.” Indeed, you cannot give the Mame of a fight for democracy to such action as banning the Com- munist party of France, arrests of Communist deputies to the Brench parliament, or curtailing the poli- tical liberties of Emegland, or un- remitting national oppression in india, and so forth. It is not clear that the aim of the present war in Europe is not fetters of the Yersailles Treaty, whose authors were Britain and France, with the active participa- Permit me now to dwell on the events directly connected with the entry of our troops into the ter- ritory of the former Polish state. There is no need for me to de scribe the course of these events. They have been reported in detail in our press. You comrades-depu- ties are well acquainted with the facts. I shall only dwell on what is the most essential. There is no need to prove that at the moment when the Polisn state was in complete collapse, our government was obliged to extend a helping hand to our brother Uk- rainians and Byelorussians inhab- iting the territory of West Uk- Taine and Western Byelorussia. That is what it did. When the Red army marched into these reg— ions it was greeted with general sympathy by the Ukrainian and Byelorussian population, who wel- comed our troops as liberators from the yoke of the gentry, from the yoke of the Polish landlords and capitalists. As the Red army advanced through these districts there were Serious encounters in some places between our troops and the Polish troops, and consequently there what it is proclaimed to be in of- ficial statements intended for the broad public in France and Enz | Were casualties. These casualties were as follows: This war promises nothing to the working class but bloody sacrifice and hardships. Well, now judge for yourselves whether the meaning of such con- cepts as ‘aggressor’ and ‘ageres- Sion’ has changed recently. It is mot difficult to see that the use of these words in their old meaning, that is, the meaning attached to them before the recent decisive turn in the political relations be- tween the Soviet Union and Ger- many and before the outbreak of the great imperialist war in FHur- ope, can only create confusion in people’s minds and must inevit- ably lead to erroneous conclusions. To avoid this, we must not allow an uncritical attitude towards old concepts that are no longer ap- Plicable in the new international situation. : Phat has been the course of in- ternational affairs in the recent period. £ shall now pass to changes that bave taken place in the interna- tional position of the Soviet Union itself. Here, the changes have been ne mean ones, but if we confine ourselves to essenfials, the follow— ing must be admitted, namely, Thanks tO our consistently pur- Sued peaceful foreign policy, we have Succeeded in considerably strengthening our position and the international weight of the Soviet Union. As IT have said, our relations with Germany have radically improved. Here development has proceeded along the line of strengthening our friendly relations, extending our practical cooperation, and render ing Germany political support in her efforts for peace. The non- ageression pact between the Soviet Union and Germany bound us to maintain neutrality in the case of Germany participatins in war. onsistent Neutrality tion of the United States of Amer- ica, This was what, in the lone run, led to the present war in Hurope. The relations between the Soviet Union and Germany have been based on a different foundation, which had no interest whatever in perpetuating the post-war Ver- Sailles system. We have aiway sneld that a strong Germany is the indispen- sable condition for durable peace in Hurope. It would be ridicu- lous to think that Germany could be “simply put out of com- maission” and struck off the books. The powers which cher- ish this foolish and dangerous dream ignore the deplorable ex— perience of Versailles, do not realize Germany’s increased might, and fail te see that any attempt at a repetition of Ver- sailles, in the present state of international affairs, which rad- icaHy differs from that of 1914, may end in disaster for them. We have consistently striven to improve our relations with Ger- many and wholeheartedly welcom- €d a Similar striving in Germany herself. Today our relations with the German state are based on our friendly relations, on our readiness to support Germany’s efforts for peace, and at the same time on our desire to contribute in every way to development of Soviet-German economic relations to the mutual benefit of both states. Special mention should be made of the fact that the change that has taken place in the Soviet-Ger- man political relations has cre- ated favorable conditions for the development ‘of Soviet-German economic relations. Recent eco- nomic negotiations carried on by the German delegation in Moscow, and present negotiations carried on by the German delegation in Moscow, and present negotiations Carried on by the Soviet economic Gelegation in Germany are prepar- ing a broad basis for the develop- On the Byelorussian front, count- Ment of trade between the Soviet Union and Germany. Polish Occupation ing both commanders and the rank and file of the Red army, there were 246 killed and 503 wounded, or a total of 749. On the Ukrainian front there were 491 commanders and rank and file soldiers killed, 1359 wounded, or a total of 1850. Thus, the total cas- ualties of the Red army on the ter— ritory of Western Byelorussia and Western Ukraine were 737 Killed, 1862 wounded, or a total of 2599. As for our trophies in Poland, they consisted of over 900 g2uns, ever 10,000 machine guns, over 300,000 rifles, over 150,000,000 rifle eartridges over 1.000.000 artillery Shells. and about 300 aeroplanes and so forth. The territory which has passed to the USSR is equal in area to a large Fuuropean state. The area of Western Byelorussia is 108,000 square kilometers and its popula- tion 4,800,000. [The area of Western Uwraine is 88,000 square kilometers and its population 8,000,000. Hence, together, the territory of Western Ukraine and Western By- elorussia which has passed to us has an area of 196,000 square kilo- meters and a population of about 13,000,000, of whom there are more than 7,000,000 Ukrainians, more than 3,000000 Byelorussians, over 1,000,000 Poles and over 1,000,000 Jews. The political significance of these events can scarcely be over- rated. All reports from Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia show the population greeted their liberation from the yoke of the Polish gentry with indescribable enthusiasm and rapturously hail- ed this great new victory of the Soviet system. The recent elections to the na- tional assemblies of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorus- sia, conducted for the first time in the history of those territor- ies on the basis of umiversal di- rect, equal suffrage and secret ballot, have shown that at least nine-tenths of the population of these regions have Iong been ready to rejoin the Soviet Un- ion. The decision ef thes na- This was a reflection of the rad- ical difference between the policy of the Soviet government and the policy of Tsarist Russia, which bru- tally oppressed small nations, de- nied them every opportunity of in- dependent national and political development, and left them with most painful memories of itself it must be admitted that the ex perience of the past two decades of development of Soviet-Eistonian, Soviet-Latvian, and Soviet,Lithu-— anian friendly relations created the favorable conditions for fur- ther consolidation of the political and all other relations between the USSR and its Baltic neighbors. This has been revealed, too, in re- cent diplomatic negotiations with representatives of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania, and in treaties that were signed in Moscow as a result ef these negotiations. As you know, the Soviet Union bas coneluded pacts of mutual as- sistance with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania which are of major po- litical significance. The principles underlyins these pacts are identi- cal. They are based on mutual as- sistance between the Soviet Union on one hand, and Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania on the other. They include military assistance in the case of any of these countries be— ins attacked. in view of the special seogra-— phie position of these countries, which are in the way of approach- es to the USSR, particularly from the Baltic, these pacts allow the Soviet Union to maintain naval bases and aerodromes in specified parts of Estonia and Tatvia, and in the ease of Luthuania, the pact provides for the defense of Lithu- anian borders jointly with those of the Soviet Union. Creation of these Soviet naval bases and aerodromes on the ter-— ritory of Matvia, Estonia and Luthuania, and the stationine of a certain number of Red army units to protect these bases and aerodromes, insure a reliable de- In view of the improvement in our political relations with Es- tonia, Latvia and Withuania, the Soviet Union has gone a long way to meet the needs of these states and has concluded trade agree- ments with them. Thanks to these economic agreements, trade with the Baltie countries will increase several-fold and there are favor- able prospects for its further growth. At a time when all Puropean countries, including neutral states, are experiencins tremendous trade difficulties, these economic agree- ments between the USSR and Es- tonia, Latvia and Tithuania are of great and positive importance to them. Thus, the rapprochement be- tween the USSE on the one hand and Estonia, Latvia and Lithu- ania On the other, will contribute to more rapid progress of agri- culture, industry, transport and, in general, to the national well- bemg of our Baltic neighbors. The principles of Soviet policy towards small countries have been demonstrated with particular force by the treaty providing for the transfer of the city of Vilna, and the Vilna region to the Lithuanian Republic. Thereby, the Lithuanian State, with its population of two- and-a-half million, considerably extends its territory, increases its population by 550,000, and receives the city of Vilma, whose popula- tion is almost double that of the present Lithuanian capital. The Soviet Union asreed to transfer the city of Vilna to the Lithuanian Republic not because Vilna has a predominantly Lithu- anian population. No, the majority of the inhabitants of Vilna are non-Lithuanian. But the Soviet sovernment took into considera- tion the fact that the city of Vilna, which was forcibly wrested from Lithuania by Poland, ought to be- lene to Lithuania as a city with which are associated, on the one hand, the historical past of “the Lithuanian state, and on the other hand, the national aspirations of the Lithuanian people. it has been pointed out in the foreign press that there has meyer been a case in world his- tory of a big country handing ever such a big city to a small State, of its own free will. Alli Lithuania tional assemblies in Lyov and Byelostok, with which we are ail not familiar, testifying to com- plete unanimity of people’s rep- resentatives on all political ques tiens, f shall now: pass on to our rela- tions with the Baltic countries. As you know, important changes have taken place in this sphere as well. The relations of the Soviet Union with Esthonia, Latvia and are based on peace treaties concluded with these re-— spective countries in 1920. By these treaties Eistonia, Latvia and Lithuania became independent states, and ever since then, the Soviet Union has invariably pur- sued a friendly policy towards these newly-created smail states. Baltic Treaties fense base not only for the Soviet Union, but also for the Baltic staites themselves, and thereby contribute to the preservation of peace, which is to the interest of our peoples. ©ur recent diplomatic negotia-— tions with Estonia, Latvia” and Luthuania have shown that we have sufficient confidence in each other and the proper understand- ling of the necessity of adopting these measures of military defense in the interests of both the Soviet Union and of these states them- selves. The negotiations have fully revealed the anxiety of parties concerned to preserve peace and Saipguard the security of our peoples who are engazed in peaceful labor. It was all this that insured the successful com- pleGon of the negotiations and conclusion of the pacts of mu- tual assistance which are of reat historical importance. The special character of these mutual assistance pacts in no way implies any interference of the Soviet Union in the affairs of Eis- tonia, Latvia or Lithuania, as some foreign newspapers are try-— ing to make out. On the con- trary, all these pacts of mutual assistance strictly stipulate the in- widlability of sovereignty of the Signatory states, and the principle ef non-interference in each other’s affairs. These pacts are based on mutual respect for the political, social and economic structure of the contracting parties, and are designed to strengthen the basis for peaceful, neighborly coopera- tion between our peoples. We stand for the scrupulous and punctilllous observance of these Pacts on the basis of complete reci- procity and we declare that all monsense about Sovietizinge the Baltic countries is only to the in- terest of our common enemies and of all anti-Soviet provocateurs. Relations With Finland the more strikingly, therefore, does this act of the Soviet state demonstrate its good will. Our relations with Finland are of a special character. This is to be explained chiefly by the fact that in Finland there is a greater amount of outside influence on the part of third powers. An im- partial person must admit, how- ever, that the same problems con- cerning the security of the Soviet Union, and particularly of TGenin-— grad, which figured in the nego- tiations with Estonia, also figures in the negotiations with Finland. in a certain sense, it may be said that in this case the problem of the Soviet Union’s Security is even more acute, inasmuch as Denin- grad; which, after Moscow is the most ,mportant city of the Soviet State, is situated at a distance of only 32 kilometers (20 miles) from the Finnish border’ ‘This means the distance of Leningrad from the border of 4 foreign state is less than that required for modern long-range guns to shell it. On the other hand, approaches to Leningrad from the sea alsg de pend to a large extent on whether Finland, which owns the entire northern shore of the Gulf of Finland and all the islands alone the central part of the Gulf of Finiand, is hostile or friendly to- wards the Soviet Union. in view of this, as well as in view of the present situation in Europe, it may be expected that Finland will display the necessary understanding. What has been the basis of the relations between the Soviet Union and Finland during all these years? As you know, the basis of these relations has been the peace treaty of 1920, which was on the pattern of our treaties with our other Bal- tic neighbors. Of its own free will, the Soviet Union insured the Separate and independent exisi— ence of Finland. There can be no doubt that only the Soviet fovernment, which recognizes the principle of the free development of na- Gonalities, could take such 2 step. It must be said that none but the Soviet government in (Continued on Page Four) See MOLGTOV: