Page Wour

PEOPLE’S ADVOCATE

The Steps To China’s Marching ....

HE key question in the struggle for the unity of China is the “remarriage,” as it is termed in the Chinese press, of the Kuomintang and the Com-
munist party. The Koumintang is the politi cal apparatus and governmental power of the Chinese national bourgeoisie — industrial, banking,
merchant, and landlord; the Communist party is the party of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry. National unity would mean the agreement of

September 24,

| BOOKS
2 WORTH

STAGE
AND .-

READING

40,000 -AGAINST THE
ARCTIC——-H. P. Smolka.
Morrow. $3.50.

Reviewed by Edwin Seaver in The
Sunday Worker, New York

7HVHE Polar explorer, Stef-

ansson, once called the
far north, “the friendly Arc-
tic.” This seemed a pleasant,
but rather vague phrase to
me when I first came across it.
But I have just finished H. P-
Smolka’s 40,000 Against the Arctic
and now I begin to realize what
Stefansson meant. The Soviet
Union has learned how to woo the
vast frozen stretches that were
enee thought uninhabitable and
barren, and how to win the now
fertile Arctic as an ally of the
great Socialist commonwealth of
peoples. The USSR has iInade
Stefansson’s vivid phrase a living
reality.

Here, under Socialism, all is
planned, thoughtful, scientific; all
is accomplished, not at the expense
of the natives, but for their benefit
and with their full co-operation;
all is won, not by warring against
man, but by taming nature. it is
the proud claim of Socialism that
it brings not death and a sword,
but life and the light of humanity,
and nowhere, better than in the
Soviet Arctic, can we see how this
is accomplished.

e

MOKA is a London journalist.
One day in 1935 he received
an invitation from the Soviet Am-
pbassador to meet Professor Otto
Wulievitech Schmidt, chairman of
the Northern Sea Route Admini-
stration at the Council of People's
Gommissars.

“Schmidt spoke of the Arctic,”
he writes, “as Rhodes would have
spoken of South Africa or as an
eighteenth-century pioneer of Am-
erica, as a land of promise.

‘We held out to us a prospect of
wealth and beauty beyond dream
—a prospect that, he said, was to

- bea reality, waiting at last to yield
its virgin pride to man, now that
he has armed himself with the
Jatest technical inventions.”

Afterward, Smolka said to
Schmidt: “Do you think, Profes-
sor, that an unbiased observer
without party tickets, and a lay-
man as far as Polar science is
concerned, would find the same
picture if he were to visit your
realm?”

“Why don’t you go and sce for
yourself?” answered Professor
Schmidt.

e

© Smolka went and 40,000
Against the Arctic is the
_glowing, enthusiastic, immensely
readable and thrilling story he has
prought back. What excellent and
salutary reading his report makes
in this day of Fascist pirates and
murderers.

What he saw on nis trip, and
what he writes about with human
keen observation and excellent
good humor, was previewed that
afternoon at the Soviet Embassy
by Professor Schmidt's informal
tall.

The whole northern coast of
Asia belongs to the USSR. “We
own half the Polar basin, half of
4ll the shores of the World’s Arc-
tic Sea, 6,000 miles of it- There is
coal, oil, gold, silver, platinum,
nickel and plenty of other valu-
able metals underneath the ice,
precious tin, delicious fish and
excelient timber.

“Our largest rivers flow north
jnto the icebound sea. ---

“They are the longest rivers of
Asia. We are going to take
products up and down these
rivers, change them over to ocean
vessels at their mouths, and
thereby establish communication
from Europe and America, the
Pacific and Atlantic to Siberia,
which was formerly regarded 4s
the backyard of Asia.”

e

BANWHLLE the Polar towns
are growing rapidly. Igarka
has 20,000 inhabitants in summer,
12,000 the year around. As in other
Soviet cities, the people have their
cinemas and their theatres, dance-
halls, restaurants, ixindergartens
and clubs. And the Polar settle-
ments are linked by air lines—a
fleet of over one hundred Arctic
planes, 10,000 miles of regular pas-
senger service.

A million pioneers now live in
this great region. Probably an-
other million will go to live and
work there.

' We are greatly concerned with
cultural work for the Arctic
natives,” Professor Schmidt said.
“before the revolution they were
on the verge of dying out. Now
their birth-rate increases again.
We shall save them. Their eultural
Jevel will rise as we give them
modern methods and instruments
of production. They will be the
future masters of this great do-
main.”

Compare this last statement
with the brutal truth of capitalist
imperialist exploitation, where
modern methods and instruments
of production have been used to
rob the natives of their heritage
and eventually to stamp them out.

Smolka was persuaded by what
Professor Schmidt told him to go
and see for himself. He went, he
saw, and he was conquered by the
truth, and beauty, and grandeur
of what the Soviet peoples are ac-
eomplishing in the Arctic. And
out of his experiences he has writ
ten one grand little book.

all these class forces for the definite goa] of achieving China’s sovereignty in the face of the country’s danger of complete

In China it is no longer asked:
Will the Kuomintang and the
Communist party form 2 united
front? The issue is put more speci-
fically: When will they unite, un-
der what terms, and with what
consequences? The first phases of
ycuomintang-Communist collabora-
tion began soon after the events
at Sian. The future must witness
further cooperation, affecting, as
it does, 450,000,000 people.

Collaboration of the Communists
and the Kuomintang cannot be a
formal organizational move- Based
en fundamental political objec-
tives, it has a definite goal. Joint
action of the two great political
groups of Ghina will strengthen
China as a nation, will imcerease
its power of defense and offense
against its main enemy, and will
raise the potentiality of its social
progress,

Such national unification would
be an important stage in the real-
ization of the democratic revolu-
tion. All efforts that would make
China strong, independent and pro-
sressive harmonize with the ob-
jective of Chinese national unity.

Ultimately the. purpose of uni-
fication must be the preparation
of China to oust the Japanese in-
vader and to free the conquered
territory.

WE terms and conditions or
Kuomintang-Communist wun-
derstanding” will not develop sche-
matically, without difficulties, zg-
zags, and partial failures. Unity is
not based on capitulation of the
Communists toe an unchanged pol-
icy of the Fquomintang. Lhe co-
operation of national-minded Chi-

nese for the common goal of pre-_

serving China’s integrity assumed
two-sided concessions. :

The Kuomintang, because of its
historical war against the Commu-
nists, wanted publicly to have
these concessions, at least in the
jnitial stages, appear as face-saving
as possible. The Communists did
not make any mystery about their
willingness to make concessions
for the objective of attaining na:
tional unity. ‘

To the Communists, gauging
their present program of land re-
form, Sovietization, and immediate
prosecution of the class struggle
jn China to the main anti-imperial—
ist goal of national unification is
not a surrender of their revolution-
ary goal; rather, they see it as the
shortest road to the attainment of
the Gommunist party program at
the present historical stage of the
Chinese revolution.

*

ISCUSSING the concessions

made by the Chinese Commu-
mists to achieve national unity,
Wang Ming, Chinese representa-
tive on the Executive Committee
of the Communist International],
wrote:

“Jn agreeing to transferm the
Red Army into a Wational Revo-
jutionary army, and the Soviets
into widely democratic organs of
government, in agreeing to give up
the confiscation of the Jandowners’
estates, ete., the Communist party:
of China took as its starting-point
the estimate of the actual situa-
tion which had come about in
China—that is, the fact of the
erowing activity of Japanese miuli-
farism and its agents jn China and
the real danger of the Ghinese peo-
ple becoming subjected to complets
colonial enslavement.”

National unity, with the defeat
of Japanese aggression, would re-
move the most reactionary Ppres-
sure against China’s progressive
development. There can be 10 dis-
cussion, the Chinese Communists
maintain, of the future develop-
ment of the Chinese revolution,
without the solution first of the
problem of Japanese invasion. De-
feat of the greatest and most
threatening jmperialist invader
would, in fact, put China in the
strongest position in her history.

Tt would mark the end of the
cycle of foreign invasion- China
would then treat on @ vastly dif-
ferent level with all other powers.
Moreover, the very Process of the
struggle for the achievement of
national integrity would be ac-
companied by the necessary denio-
cratic awakening of the people to
arouse China to that degree of
self-sacrifice and heroism MNeces-

sary to wrest the victory from
Japan-
The majority of China’s popu-

Jace, comprising workers, peasants,
small Jandlords and merchants,
would put their indelible stamp on
all social reform that would in-
evitably accompany the achieyve-
ment of national unification. With
national unity, the whole question
ef China’s social problems—demo-
eratic, agraria, labor, national eco-
nomic—would be more urgently
the order of the day.

Since an inseparable condition
of national unification, agreed to

A Woman's

HE controversy caused by the
new Divorce Bill in England
is not over yet. Changes affected

Divorce Bill by, the new law

C troy 2 include divorce
ontreversy obtainable on the

grounds of cruelty, desertion and
insanity. Demands that habitual
drunkenness and life imprison-
ment be accepted as grounds are
being heard, and the Divorce Law
Reform Union is asking for “addi-
tional facilities for reasonable and
equitable divorce.”

The Church of England refuses
to accept the new divorce laws

by. both Gommunists and the most
progressive sections of China’s na-
tionalists, is the adoption of a
democratic constitution, the estab-
lishment of a parliament and dem-
ocratic safeguards, all the press-
ine agrarian and labor questions
would of necessity be brought to
the fore. ‘

Weither is there a Chinese Wall
between the ultimate achieveinent
of national liberation, democracy
and economic and cultural progress
in China and the question of
Ghina’s development towards So-
Cialism.

*

UCH confusion and misunder-
standins have been created
by publication of the Kuomintange’s
terms for collaboration with the
Communists in the national united
front. The proposals adopted by
the Kuomintang after the Sian
events were as follows:

1. Abolition of the* Red Army
and its incorporation into the
command under Nanking author-
ity.

2. Unification of state power in
the bands of the Central govern-
ment and the dissolution of the
so-called Chinese Soviet Republic
and other organizations detri-
mental to government unity.

8. Cessation of the Communist
propaganda, and

4. Stoppage of the class struggle.

The Communist response to
points 1 and 2 was made unmis-
takably clear. The reply is well
summarized by Edgar Snow, Am-—
erican newspaper correspondent,
in his interview ‘with Mao Tse-
tune.

“In Conversation with various
Soviet functionaries,’ writes Snow,
“T was assured that the Soviet
government might agree to change
the name of the Soviets, as well
as that of the Red Army. On the
Jatter’s banners already the in-
scription has been altered from
Workers: and Peasants’ Red
Army to ‘Chinese People’s Anti-
Japanese’ Vanguard Red Army.’

“Tt has been suggested in in-
formal ‘Red-White’ talks that the
Soviet districts might change their
name to ‘Experimental Area’ or
‘Special Administrative Districts.’
Generally there seems to be a will-
ineness among the Communists to
make such changes in nomen-
clature as might facilitate an
agreement, but not fundamentally
affect the independent role of the
Communist party and the Red
Army.”

K

ie a united nation the Chinese
Communists have declared they
would abide by the democratic
jaws and the will of the people,
giving their support to a parlia-
mentary form of representative
government and its recognized
civil and military authorities. The
Chinese Soviets would become an
integral part of such a central gov-
ernment. The Red Army would be
subordinated to the command of
the central government authorities
for the aims of national unifica-
tion.

The fate of the Soviet revolution-
ary land laws would be settled on
the basis of local rights of a con-
stitutional mature and by negotia-
tion and discussion with the
central government.

So far as attacks upon the Kuo0-
mintange are concerned, after na-
tinal unity there would be a ces-
sation of Communist propaganda
in this sense; but under the demo-
eratie rights of free speech, free
press and iree assemblage all Chi-
nese political groups, would re-
tain the right independently to ad-
voeate political {transformation
along the line of their program,

and is fighting vigorously against
any further changes. Tt is) <ex—
pected that persons divorced
under the new law will be refused
remarriage by the church. Gouples
seeking divorce will therefore
have to choose between adherence
to church laws or acceptance of
those of the state.

The courts are preparing for a
rush of applicants when the new
Matrimonial Gauses Act goes into
effect next January. Last year
92.000 petitions were rejected on
grounds which will be acceptable
after January 1-

Communist or ‘otherwise,
other democratic countries .
The “stoppage of the class strug-

as in

ele’ reduces itself to a phrase
when one considers that national
unity in China could not abolish
classes but would create a basis
for the collaboration of all nation-
allysminded Chinese for the preser—
yation of their national integrity.

In the final analysis, the pri-
mary aim of national unity would
be to win back and hold territory
seized by Japan. Certainly that
eannot be won without prepara-
tions for a war of defense and in-
dependence. The question: of armed
hostilities against Japan for the
recovery of the Three Basternm
Provinces, Jehol, and Chahar can

never be approached as an €xX-
clusive Sino-Japanese issue.
Neither can it be treated as a

purely military question.

One of the chief elements to be
kept in mind is the inner situation
of Japan. Japan is becoming less
and less a nation unified under the
“positive policy” for the dismem-
berment of China. In recent years,
in fact, the Japanese people have
been militantly resisting the war
program of the army.

Besides, Japan can never envis-
age A war against China without
its effect on the vital relations of
the other imperialist powers. The
attitude of the United States to-

might for the complete invasion

‘ of China. Japan assigns the strong-

est portion of its army for duty
on the borders of the Soviet Union
and the Mongolian People’s Re-
public. As the economic, military,
and world political importance of
the Soviet Union grows, it becomes
more difficult for Japan to devote
itsel— exclusively to the conquest
of China.

Therefore the drive into North
China is based on Japan’s scheme
not only to slice up the whole of
China but particularly to cut away
a swath of Chinese territory con-
tiguous to the-Soviet Union. Jap-
an's chief war strategy in the
north is to drive a wedge between
¢he Soviet Union and China.

However, the relations of China,
Japan, and the USSR are even
more far-reaching. And the rela-
tions of the imperialist powers in
the Pacific are not favorable to
the success of Japan in such a
war of Chinese independence.

In this respect the relations of
the United States and the Soviet
Union are paramount. Since a war
of China for liberation must end
‘either with complete independence
or subjugation, the United States
could not hope to maintain’ its pol-

icy of the “open door” without
at least “influencing” the defeat
of Japan.

by Knopf this

behind current Si

China.

WN this article, which is an abridgement of the last

chapter in his boch, When China Unites, published
menth, Harry Gannes, well-known
American journalist, shows clearly the forces at work
no-Japanese hostilities. The book
was written before Japan opened her in pasion of

wards such a war would be de-
cisive for either »side. Nor can the
question of American policy be
divorced from its relations with
the Soviet Union and its maneu-

_ vers with Great Britain in Europe

and in the Orient.

*

AO TSE-TUNG, leader of the
Chinese Red Army, who more
than any other living Chinese has
had the greatest experience ob-
serving the fighting quality of the
Chinese, in both the Red Army
and the Kuomintans forces, is con-
vineed that in a war of liberation
against Japan, China would un-
doubtedly be the victor. Mao point-
ed out in his exhaustive interview
with Edgar Snow that China has
a vast reservoir of unutilized
power. This, alone with the crea-
tion of mighty lines of defense
covering the whole country, could
be organized inte a powerful mil-
tary machine.

© conceive of war between
Japan and China without con-
sidering the relation of the other

Pacific powers) js unthinkable.
Every diplomatic and military
move of Japan against China has

jts anti-Soviet counterpart.

By the same token, every effort
of the Soviet Union to aid in pre-
serving world peace hampers Jap-
an’s plans for the further invasiosu
of China. Moreover, Japan's in-
creasing armaments to ensure dom-
Imation of the Asian continent
and to prevent restitution of Man-
churia is countered in the USSR

by strenethening ¢he Soviet Far
Bastern defenses.
The huge Soviet Far Bastern

military machine prevents Japan
from apportionins: its full armed

ary

One of the nglish papers states
that there are approximately 150,-
000 men and women in England
who are divorced in all but name,
and so prevented from: remarry-
ing. The majority of these couples
will, no doubt, try again and suc-
ceed under the new act.

e
jT this time of the year, Many
of the dilapidated houses
which have been empty all sum-

mer are rented

For Better again, usually by
Housing large families.

I have in mind two very old

Ate next power to be taken
into account is Great Britain.
The historical policy of Britain in
the Pacific, as in Europe, has
been the maintenance of “the bal-
ance of power,” With Britain as
the holder of the scales. To that
end, Britain sponsored the Anglo-
Japanese alliance to impede the
development and growth in the
Far East of its chief competitor,
the United States.

When this partnership was un-
balanced by the rise of Japan as
the greatest imperialist menace in
the Far Bast, coupled with a set-
back for Britain in the World War
and the tremendous inerease in
the power and prestige of the
United States, the scales were
taken out of British hands. The in-
vasion of Manchuria, aggravated
by the Ethiopian and Mediter-
ranean crisis for Britain, brought
about the closest Anglo-American

cooperation in the WPacifie for a
brief period.
However, for Britain coopera-

tion with the United States in the
Tar Bast is not a fixed policy.
Britain still retains strong rem-
nants of its “balance of power’
policy.

Alone with maneuvers to pre-
vent the Solidification of Chinese
unity, Japan will not neglect to
bolster the small pro-Japanese
cliques in the Kuomintang and
elsewhere.

The unification of China will do
most in realizing Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s
hopes of a truly democratic nation
with an advanced constitution and
a parliamentary form of govern-
ment.

But if China is to develop the
full strength of her numbers, the
apathy and distrust of millions
must be broken down and the na-

See)

houses, opposite each other, and
near the schol. All summer they
stood empty, getting more dirty
and broken down as the days went
by, looking as if a slight push
would send them tumbling in a
heap. of ruin.

Wow they both have curtains at
their cracked windows, and chil-
dren run up and down the broken
steps. What a tale of hardship
this tells, of mothers, whose ehil-
dren are attending school, having
to take whatever shelter they are
offered in order that they may
have a roof, any kind of a roof,

dismemberment by Japan.

tion awakened to political con-
sciousness by the full guarantees
of democratic liberties. And to this
end the adoption of a constitution
and the ereation of a really repre-
sentative parliament are primary.

*

OR forty years, Dr. Sun Yat-sen
struggled to realize in China
the ideal of Abraham Lincoln—a
government of, for, and by the
people. Since 1911, eight constitu-
tions have been proposed, without
to any appreciable extent giving
the 450,000,000 Chinese a sguar-

antee of democratic rights.

The first fundamental law pro-
posed was contained in the so-
called General Plan for the Organ-
ization of the Provisional Govern-
ment (1911). That was followed by
the Provisional Constitution (1912).
Yuan Shih-kai, with foreign judi-
cial aid, published the Constitution
Compact (1914).

There followed Tsao Kun's ambi-
tious Constitution of the Republic
of China (1922). Then came Tuau
Ghi-jui’s National Constitution
Draft (14925), and finally the Kao-
mintanes Draft Constitution of
the Republic of China (1936).

ATi previous efforts before thu
Kuomintanges draft completely
failed of Support, recognition, Or
application. The Provisonal Con-
stitution for the Period of Politi-
eal Tutelage, promulgated by the
National government of Wanking
in 1931, existed only on paper, and
Ghina since the 1911 revolution re-
mained without fundamental law
to guide its efforts to establisr
democracy.

On May 5, 1936, after two and
a half decades of efforts of con-
stitution making, a draft econstitu-
tion was produced for presentation
at the November 12 Constituent
Assembly. As originally drafted,
the proposed fundamental law
was not truly democratic nor best
designed to unify the nation for
the most progressive aims.

His establishment of a central
state authority based on the
unification of the Chinese people,
ensuring the growth of democracy,
would carry to fulfilment the aims
of the 1911 revolution. Political
centralization of the country for
defense against Japan would tend
to end the gravitational pull of sec-
tions of China, the so-called
spheres of influence, now under
the hegemony of foreign powers.
The great battles for China’s

freedom originally besun by the

Taipings after the Opium War now
hold the most hopeful promise of
successful realization. No doubt
the compulsion to mational unifica-
tion, overriding the tremendous
resistance of sectional feudal inter
ests and of the pro-Japanese na-
tive allies, will drag in its train
many opportunist militarists who
will enthusiastically shout the slo-
gan of unity because it is becom-
ing more popular.

But the power and the day of
the individual militarist in China
is waning. The danger of civil
wars, though not ended, has been
Jessened to a greater extent than
ever before Since the formal estab-
lishment of the Republic. The bit-
terest opponent of Chinese unity is
and will remain the ereatest enemy
of China—Japanese imperialism.

Haltinely, bowed down with the
Weight of an age-enerusted econ-
omy, impeded by outworn tradi-
tions, held back by the ferocious
imperialist invasion and shameful
oppression, China is nevertheless
fast moving forward. The land of
the world’s oldest living culture is
proving its historical genius in
solving the most difficult problems
ever to confront and threaten a2
nation.

Victoria Post

over their heads during the winter
months.

These people are forced to live
in houses which hardly hold to-
gether because they are the only
ones they can get on a meagre
relief allowance. ;

It is high time housing condi-
tions were looked into, and many
of these derelict houses pulled
down to make room for new, sani-
tary accommodation at cheaper
rates. The present conditions do
not help in keeping children
healthy, and some of the houses
are positively dangerous.

SCREEN ~

; Ow the New Film Alliance
Sizes the new pictures a
THAT CERTAIN WOMAN: Re
make of The Trespasser, Gloria
Swanson starrer of 1929. Melo-
drama of mother’s sacrifice and
unrequited love elevated to pathos
by Bette Davis, Henry Fonda and
fan Hunter.

LOWER DEPTHS: Extremely
fine French-made picturization of
Gorkys play about life among
down-and-outers in pre-revolu-
tionary Russia.

DEAD MARCH: Newsreel com-
pilation of war scenes. Emphasis
on horrors of a World War which

- should never be repeated. >

BALTIC DEPUTY: Fine Soviet
Picture about an old professor. of
plant physiology, ostracized by his
old friends, who found his great-
est happiness ‘teaching the revo-
lutionary workers and peasants.

STAGE DOOR: Rewrite of
Broadway show by Edna Ferber
and George S. Kaufman. Has
some good points, chiefly Ginger
Rogers, Katherine Hepburn and
Adolphe Menjou. Bright dialogue.

PRISONERS — Globe The-
atre, Sept. 27 for One Week.

7QNHE much talked-of GPU
2 eo —the Soviet secret
police—has been described
as all things by all men. Now,
for the first time on any
screen, the methods of the GPU
are to be seen in “Prisoners.”

Based on materials supplied by
the prisoners themselves, this un-
usual screen drama tells the story
of the thousands of criminals who
built the great White Sea-Baltic
Canal while in the prison camps
of the GPU.

The GPU pfisons, the picture
reveals, have neither cells nor
bars. The prisoners live in bar-
racks, and wear ordinary clothes.
Men and women prisoners are di-
vided into separate barracks, of
course, but they may and do
mingle freely while at work and
while resting. The prisoners are
placed on their honor, and may,
as in the case of Engineer Sadov-
ski, a convicted suboteur, bring
their wives or mothers to the camp
to live with them.

The camp was established by
the GPU on the White Sea during
the White Sea-Baltic Canal con-
struction, described in ‘Prison-
ers,” had an enviable record in
the field of human rePabilitation.
Scores of former criminals, work-—
ing on the construction project
when their terms ended, remained
at work as volunteer workers
with regular pay. Many of the
outstanding workers, convict and
regular worker alike, received
bonuses and awards from the
Soviet government for their ef-
forts.

The particular prison camp
which “Prisoners” deals with,
Belomor, was the subject of a
book written: by a group of
thirty-four writers led by Maxim
Gorky. The writers interviewed
the prisoners, wrote them up, and
then combined their results in one
large report. The Soviet dramatist
WN. Pogodin, wrote the play “Aristo-
erats,’ on materials taken from
this report on Belomor. The play
ran for over three years. and was
then turned into the picture,
“Prisoners” by its author.

Also on the program will be a
10-minute travellogue of modern
Russia, “USSR on the Screen.”

THE ROAD BACK—Beacon
Theatre, Sept. 24; One Week.

ee NIVERSAL has

5 changed the ending, so
that Ernest (John King) is
re-united with the girl he
loved before the war, who, in
the first version, turned him
down. They vow to forget war
and bring up their children to
know nothing but peace. The film
closes with flashes of men march-
ing, and war budgets increasing
all over the world. Despite an end-
ing which is still weak, the picture
is moving and well worth seeing.”

This is how the New Film Al-
liance sums of *‘The Road Back,”
stirring sequel to Remarque’s “All
Quiet on the Western Front.”

A powerful indictment of war,
“The Road Back” has received
the praise of critics everywhere.
Tt shows the bitter disillusionment
of millions of German soldiers who
believed the armistice to be the
end of war, only to find otherwise.
Filmed with a cast running into
+housands, there are some strik-
ing mass Scenes. Through it runs
the story of a young soldier who,
“had his youth been peaceful and
without interruption, then he
would have bad many things fa-
miliar and dear to him that would
have grown up with him. .-- and
that now would have sustained
and kept him.

“But all that was broken into
pieces and when he returned he
had nothing; his repressed youth,
his pagged desires, his hunger for
home and affection then cast him
blindly upon this one human being
he supposed he loved. And when
that was all shattered he knew of
nothing but to shoot; he had been
taught nothing else.”

“The Road Back” will be shown
in conjunction with 27> excellent
stage show featuring five all-star
acts of Hastern circuit vaudeville.

BR ees