Page Six

PEOPLE’S ADVOCATE

July 9, 1987

The Péoples Advocate
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Vancouver, B.C., Friday, July 9, 1937

Renegade Miner Boosts
Company Union

ECENTLY there appeared in the daily

papers a two-column letter signed by one
Imer Beamish of Wells, B.C., in the Cariboo
district where a strike of miners has been in
progress for some weeks. The Beamish letter,
obviously written by a literate shyster or pub-
licity agent of the mining companies involved,
is another boost tor the company union in the
well organized campaign to extend that anti-
working-class form of organization throughout
the province to replace genuine trade unions.

But who is Beamish? He is a renegade
miner, or stool-pigeon posing as a miner, who
was kicked out of the miners’ union because of
his close association and cooperation with the
mine management and his efforts to breals the
strike. In the letter the miming company is
praised to the skies, wages are high and condi-
tions excellent—although the wage rate is below:
that paid in the Bridge River district and sili-
cosis prevalent and accidents frequent.

Beamish was the creature the company used
to form a company union for the purpose ot
breaking the strike and putting the real union
out of existence. This-fake union was called
&Cariboo Gold Quartz Emmloyees’ Co-opera-
tive Association.” and is frankly admitted by
Beamish to be “fashioned on the lines of the
organization at Trail.” This refers to General
Manager Blaylock’s notorious company union
which has been the chief mstrument for the
starvation rate of wages and abominable work-
ing conditions prevailing in the smelter town
for the last twenty years.

The company union stinks in the nostrils of
every worker who, to eke out a livelihood, found
himself compelled to work under its pernicious
influence. The miners of the Cariboo are well
aware of the nature of company-controlled
qmions which are always oficered by company
rats and stoolpigeons, and will have none of
it. This explains why Beamish and his mas-
ters have signally failed in putting their abor-
tion across.

Meanwhile, organized labor throughout the
province should do its utmost to assist, morally
and financially, the embattled miners of the
Gariboo who are fighting for the preservation
of trade unionism, not only for themselves but
for the entire working-class of British Co-
lumbia.

The CCF Convention

EEN disappointment is the reaction of all
progressive people, including a jarge
number of the rank and file of the party itself,
as a result of the recent provincial convention
of the CCF. For the convention marked no
advance; on the contrary, it swung the party

further to the right.

The officers’ reports were chiefly a record
of routine stewerdship with the exception of the
report of the president which included recom-
mendations for some organizational changes
and improvement 10 the agitational and vote-
getting equipment of menibers. No attempt
was made to estimate the changes in the politi-
eal and economic situation in the province, 20
recognition of the menacing comeback ot the
Tory party, main political instrument of re-
action. Neither was there any serious attempt
to get at the real reason for the failure of the
GCF to elect more members to the provincial
house than in 1933.

The Right Wing leaders contented them-
selves with explanations such as the Connell
split and intemal struggle, the blame for the
latter being placed on the advanced section ot
the CCE which was urging the united front
of all progressive bodies in joimt strugele
against reaction, the things that would have
helped the CCF. The general attitude regard-
ing the failure of the CCE to adyance seemed
to be that expressed by Mark Twain in his
famous prayer, VizZ.: thanking God that it was
not worse.

To be sure, the Communist Party was ac-
cused of unduly influencing the CCE toward
unity, thereby damaging it, notwithstanding
that the two new seats won by the CCF in the
recent election were precisely im those ridings
where the CCF clubs, in defiance of the Pro-
vincial Executive’s ukases, formed a popular
front which included the trade unions and the
Communist Party, whereas the two seats lost
were in ridings in which there was no united
front and the defeated candidates were rabid
epponents otf unity.

While the come-back of Toryism was almost
wholly unnoticed, the Communist Party was
attacked viciously as the main danger by the
controlling Right Wingers and their Trotzky-
ist supporters. A great deal of the time of the
convention was used up in Red-baiting, which
ran rampant, and in the debate which preceded
the expulsion of A. M. Stephen trem the party
for his struggle against war and fascism and
his fight for unity-

The line as regards the Trotzkyists in the
party was given by Dr. Telford, who declared
that the CCF would not permit the organiza-
tion to be used as a battleground of Trotzky-
ism and <S+alinism.” (The Communist Party
will expose and fight against Trotzkyism
wherever it appears and that will make for the
health and strengthening of the CER) The
OCE does itself and the working-class damage
by placing the Trotzkyists and the Commun-
ists on an equal footing. The fight agaist
Trotzkyism should not be left entirely to the
Communist Party. The OCF should be a battle

ground of the CCE
Trotzkyism.

The Trotzkyists are disrupters and splitters
wherever they are. Being without a mass
pase, they seek to infiltrate into every working-
class organization. That is why they are 1m
the CCF, and they were well represented in
the convention, as a look over the ushers and
the whips easily showed.

That the Right Wing leaders have no inten-
tion of going further than the passing of pious
resolutions on important immediate issues to
meet popular demand was shown in the treat-
ment accorded the letter of greeting trom the
Communist Party to the convention. The
letter. which included a proposal that the CCF
join with the CP ina campaign to provide an
ambulance from B.C. for the Canadian men
of the MacKenzie Papineau battalion fighting
for demcoracy in Spain, was read to the con-
vention, but the motion to join in the proposed
joint campaign was voted down at the imsist-
ence of the ones who pose as the only genuine
defenders of democracy.

Better thines tad been looked for from. the
convention, but the leaders acted as if there
had been no changes in the last twenty years,
as if there had not arisen the deadly menace
of fascism, to meet and defeat which requires
new tactics, new methods and, above all, the
unity of all anti-fascists. Unless a sharp turn
to the left, to unity, is taken betore very long,
the CCE will travel the road of other onetime
promising parties of the working-class, the road
to isolation, futility, sterility, and will be
pushed aside by something more in keeping
with the needs of the people.

ys. its most deadly enemy,

Fascism In England

OR those who when warned of the efforts

of the finance-industrial rulers to advance

the cause of Fascism, say, “It can’t happen

here,” the parade last Saturday in. London,

England, of British Fascists headed by Mosley
proves disconcerting.

The capitalist press airily passes it of as
something amusing. But the persistance of the
Black Shirt organization of Mosley, as well as
other more secret Fascist societies, all financed
by powerful and wealthy men such as Rgther-
mere, Beaverbrook, and other imperialists, the
erowing boldness and impudence of their pro-
vocations and their attacks on Jews in London
and elsewhere, is something that is not to be
taken lightly.

This is all the more true when those Fascists,
7,000 in number, are protected by 3,000 Lon-
don police who in the clashes between the worl
ers and Mosley’s dupes and gangsters, attacked
the workers and not the Fascists. The glarmg
fact is that Fascism is developing in Britain
under the patronage of the rich and the protec-
tion of the national government.

Im order that the process can go on unmMo-
lested and eather influence and gain strength,
the press instills into the minds of the people
that Fascism 1s repugnant to the British people,
and foreign to British traditions. It 7s repug-
nant to the overwhelming majority of the Brit-
ish people, but is highly acceptable to the top
layer of the British ruling class, and unless
checked will be forced down the throats of the
people at the poit of the bayonet in a reign
of terror.

The Vancouver Sun would haye the Mosley
demonstrations met with sweet amusement
which it asserts is the most effective way of
rendering it innocuous. But the development
of Fascism and such provocative demonstra
tions as that staged by Mosley and his follow-
ers cannot be combatted by humor, nor can
budding Fascism be laughed out of existence.

The resistance offered to the Mosley provoca-
teurs despite the pro-Fascist role of the police
shows that the workers of England realize the
menace that Fascism is, and will continue with
ever increasing numbers and effectiveness to
combat it.

Should Have a Probe!
A efforts to discover the $500 which a

Chinese put up as bail and which mys-
teriously disappeared from the safe at police
headquarters have failed. The money was seen
in the safe, and presto! it could not be seen.
Nobody was around there but members of the
police foree—and “they are all honorable jnen.”

When Tucker made his charges against the
police department an “investigation” was held
——with policemen and inspectors of police as
witnesses. The Tucker charges were declared
to be figments of the author’s imagination ; and
that was that.

Tt must be a few weeks since there has been
an investigation in Vancouver, and the bur-
eesses are becoming keen for one. So, how
about an investigation into the yanishment of
the Chinaman’s dough? Joe Celona, now so-
journing in the Big House, could be granted
temporary release by divine dispensation grant-
ed by Gerry McGeer and made Commissioner
to conduct the probe. All police who ever were
in the vicinity of the safe could assist him,
preferably as witnesses.

Whose Turn?

ORD has come that some town down in

Texas is gome to stage some kind of
carnival, show, or maybe a jubilee. and the
promoters have jnvited Vancouver's mayor, or
a substitute from the council, to attend — of
course, at the expense of Vancouver.

Those U.S. racketeers are smart. Knowing
the “You scratch my back and Tl seratch
yours” policy of our mayor and council, well
aware of their penchant for giving each other
vacations and junkets—at the expense of the
taxpayers—they invite them to their doings as
a part of the advertising and to get the money
they took down with them.

The publicity, 1f any, attached to these junk-
ets is neither advantageous nor a eredit to Van-
ecouver. This is especially true of the visit of
McGeer to San Francisco to attend the cele-
bration of the opening of the Golden Gate
bridge, unless it is good publicity for a city to
be able to furnish a clown for such “ooin’s on.”

Reply To MacInnis

By MALCOLM BRUCE
WN the June 25 issue of the
People’s Advocate there
appeared an editorial deal-
ing, among other things,
with the Federationist, a de-
fender of the Trotskyist
traitors in the Soviet Union.
The first part of the editorial
dealt with an article by Angus
McInnis in which he aligned him-
self with Hearst, Trotsky and
other deadly enemies of the Soviet
Union and the working-class in
-expressing doubts as to the fair-
ness of the Moscow trials, the sta-
bility of the Soviet regime, and
concluding with a suggestion for a
united front of all the enemies of
socialism in the Soviet Union to
protect the wreckers.

That his anti-Sovietism and ob-
vious sympathy with the executed
traitors was exposed in the Ad-
yoeate editorial enfuriated him,
is shown in another article by him
in the Federationist of June 30th,
an article which bristles with
hatred of the Soviet Union and of
the Communist party that led the
masses to victory over capitalism
and to the victory of socialism.

Wiid, Unsupported Charges

In his latest article, with its in-
temperate language, there is no
attempt to justify his earlier stand
but it abounds in wild statements
and charges which he makes no
attempt to substantiate. He makes

no attempt to support these charg- .

es with proof, because there is no
proof; for they are made out of
the whole cloth and are as flagrant
a falsification of history as can be
found in the whole sorry output
of anti-Communist literature.

He complains that the Advocate
editorial threw no light on the
trial of the eight generals, which
he calls a “farce trial.” The edi-
torial did not set out to prove the
guilt of the Trotskyist agents of
Hitler and his infamous Gestapo
(Nazi Secret Police). That was
done at the trials by an abund-
ance of incontrovertible evidence
and the voluntary confessions of
the accused. For McInnis that is
not enough; but for the Advocate,
for the workers of Canada and
for the world, and especially for

the 180 millions of builders of so-

cialism in the Soviet Union, it is
ample.

Unable to make out a case for
the traitors, and smartihg over
the assertion that in any other
country in which the workers
would overthrow capitalism, simi-
lar traitors, working for the res-
toration of capitalism, would re-
ceive like treatment, he tries to
Take people believe that “all
who criticize the Community Par-
ty” are regarded as traitors and
are being shot.

The editorial in its use of the
term “traitors” meant only those
who made an alliance with fas-
cism and imperialism for the pur
pose of wrecking the Soviet Union
and restoring capitalism, and re-
sorting to murder of workers’
Jjeaders to accomplish their aims.

If McInnis had read the work
of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, he
would know that in the Soviet
Union there is the fullest criticism
in the world, the greatest measure
of democracy, and actual partici-
pation in government. P

Ignores Workers’ Court

Here is a sampie of the McInnis
method as well as a revelation of
kis whole class atttiude:

“|. They are asking too much
when they ask us to shout ‘Glory
Hallelujah’ every time Stalin
orders the shooting of a new
batch of revolutionaries.”

There are two false statements
in the foregoing. First, Stalin does
not order the shooting or any other
punishment of criminals. To say
that he does is to repeat the slan-
ders of every reactionary who
jumps Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin
together and says that the Soviet
Union is under a one-man dic-
tatorship or a dictatorship of the
Communist Party. The truth is
that the only dictatorship ever in
force in the Soviet Union was the
dictatorship called for by Marx,
Engels and Lenin, the Dictator-
ship of the Proletariat, in alliance
with the poor peasantry, with the
Communist Party as the leader,
not_the dictator.

Does McInnis not know that the
traitors with whom he so strongly
sympathizés were tried in a court,
and that the judgment pronounced
—a judgment which the accused

admitted was deserved—was pro-

nounced by that court and not by
Stalin? But a workers court does
not receive respéct from enemies
of the Soviet regime, for it does
not proceed with the time-worn
mummeries, hypocrisies and other
trappings of a capitalist court —

Secondly, very few of the trai-
tors were old revolutionaries. And
even if they were, it would make
their crimes against the working-
class all the more heinous.

If the workers of Italy could
overthrow Fascism in italy to-
morrow and shoot Mussolini, the
murderer of tens of thousands of
the flower of the Italian working-
class — and recently tens of thou-
sands of Socialists and Commu-
nists in Spain—we could expect
tears rolling down the cheeks of
the McInnises oyer the fate of
another ‘‘old revolutionary.” Hor
was not Mussolini at one time a
leader of the Socialist Party of
Italy, and editor of its official
organ, Avanti?

More old socialists were Pilsud-
ski of Poland, Ramsay MacDon-
ald, J. H. Thomas, and Phillip
Snowden, whom McInnis defended -
in the past.

Barnard versus Hearst

As to the trials being fair, the
people of BC will take the word
of men who were present at the
trials, men like Lom Barnard of
Wanaimo, D. N. Pritt, KC, Labor
member of the House of Com-
mons, Harold Denny, NY Times
correspondent, and many more,
and not the word of Trotsky,
Hearst and every other slanderer
of the Soviet Union and its prole-
tarian justice.

McInnis further complains that
we link Trotsky and Hitler to-
gether. Here again is a question-
ing of the justice of the verdict,
a doubt as to the confessions made
by the traitors who, knowing that
their crimes could no longer be
covered up, confessed as other
red-handed criminals confess, in
the hope that clemency might be
shown. That Trotsky and his
followers are linked up with Hitler
and his Gestapo has been shown
by irrefragable evidence and has
become a part of history that all
the expressions of doubt by those
who bewail the discovery, con-
viction and execution of Hitler's
agents cannot alter.

Internationals And Unity

HB resignation of Louis
de Brouckere and Fried-
rich Alder, chairman and
secretary of the Second
(Labor and Socialist) Inter-
national, respectively, in the
midst of negotiations with
the Communist International, re-
calls the paralyzing split in that
organization during the Italian in-
vasion of Ethiopia. At that time,
too. a large section of the Second
International, especially the French
and Spanish parties, supported
united action with the Commun-
ists, but the Czechoslovakian and
Scandinavian Socialist parties and
the British Labor Party success-
fully blocked the proposal. De
Brouckere and Adler now appear
to have resigned rather than stand
by while negotiations for unity of
action over Spain suffers the
same fate.

Conversations between represent-
atives of the two labor interna-

tionals begzan very auspiciously on
June 21. A joint declaration stated
that it was unanimously recognized
that “it is now more necessary
than ever before that action in de-
fense of Spain should be carried
out in general agreement where
possible and with all means, with-
out unnecessary friction.”

Six days later, however, George
Dimitroff, general secretary of the
Gommunist International, found it
necessary to urge both the Labor
and Socialist International and the
International Federation of Trade
Unions that the resignations of De
Brouckere and Alder “should not,
in our opinion, in any way hinder
the organizations of the interna-
tional proletariat from working in
coordination at this moment of his-
torical responsibility, when it is a
question of the very existence of
fhe heroic Spanish people and of
maintaining international peace.”
Dimitrof—f also referred to “the
presence of different opinions
within the leadership of the Labor

and Socialist International.” ;
In conclusion, Dimitroff made
three concrete proposals: (1) that
the international labor organiza-
tions urge the governments of
Great Britain, France, the United
States, and the Soviet Union to
take joint measures for the im-
mediate recall of the armed forces
of Italy and Germany from Spain,
to lift the blockade of Spanish
democracy and recognize all the
international rights of the Spanish
government; (2) that a joint de-
mand be addressed to the League
of Nations for the application of
the Covenant against the fascist
ageressors; and (3) that a joint
call be addressed to the working
class of all countries ‘“‘to do every-
thing in their power in order to
realize these demands.”
Meanwhile, no word of support
for united working class action on
an international scale has come
from the Socialist Party of the
United States of from any of its
leaders.—‘New Masses.”

Waifs

By NAOMI MITCHISON

O* an English day of grey

cloud and driving wind, four
thousand Basque children landed
at Southampton, to be welcomed
by all decent people of the British
Isles.

All night the great lighted ship
had waited outside the harbor,
packed with children able to sleep
at last without- the terror of a
snatched wakening and the night
mare crashing in their ears. By
morning helpers were waiting,
baths, food, and the big buses to
take them along to the camp.

The first thing that happened
to them was that they were shot
—with movie cameras; they
ducked, and cried, and ran for
shelter, so like is one modern in-
vention to another. How were they
to know these were not machine
guns?

All the trust that children should
have in the kindness of the world
was utterly shattered; it will take
months at least to rebuild.

They didn’t know they were safe
yet, they couldn’t believe it. A
sight - Seeing aeroplane came
swooping low over the camp, and

of the Storm

panic-stricken children -shrieked
and bolted, cowering in the tents.
The bogey-man had come real this
spring; they knew that rapidly
rising wasp-hum—and what comes
after. Not one of those children
but knows.

The helpers hardly asked why
they were crying or what the mat-
ter was if any face was whiter,
and more drawn, and tear-stained
than another. Brothers and sis-
ters were still out there; so were
fathers and mothers. Alive or
dead. Sometimes everyone Wa}
dead. The whole world had been
blotted out.

Most of the children had been
healthy, bright, normal boys and
girls. Some have been worse
starved than others, but most
should recover now that they
have food. How surprising it was
to see butchers’ shops! They
couldn’t believe it at first.

They had almost all been sea-
or nerve-sick; they were crowded
all over the ship—four of them
in the cabin of Captain Ricardo
Fernandez, the skipper who
brought her over, and who was
in command when rebel aero-

planes had tried to sink his ship
the day before the chlirden came
on board.

Some of them had walked miles
to the harbor, since Franco’s air
raids had even stopped the chil-
dren’s buses.

There are several children from
bombed Guernica, children who
had seen flaming, roasting hell,
and their own people in it. The
Guernica children had seen the
end of their childhood, and walked
wearily away from it, with a few
clothes ,an ox, a broken doll, lucky
if they had a mother’s hand to
hold to. They walked into wait-
ing, tense, raided Blbao. It takes
a little time after that to get used
te buttercups.

A film of their arrival has been
sent back to Bilbao, to the mothers
and fathers. Perhaps they will
never have seen these movies of
their children. For they were fac-
ing the thing which we in Eng-
land are trying to make the chil-
dren forget—death from the air,
the merciless low swoop with the
machine-guns pointed wherever
two or three are gathered together
in the name of liberty.

Like Begets Like

fee vilified and
slandered the Commu-
nist (Bolshevik) Party of
Russia and its leader, Lenin,
for twenty years before the
1917 revolution, and today
he slanders the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union
x 5

and its great leader, Stalin.

During the long, hard years of
Tsarist reaction and when the
Communist party was ecomparative-
ly weak, Mensheviks, of whom
Trotsky was a leader, and other
spurious Socialists sought to curry
favor with the bourgeoisie by hurl-
ing slanders at Lenin and the
party he led.

Similarly. In every capitalist
country today there are men who

call themselves Socialists who can
find no time to fight against re-

action, but indulge in orgies of
attacks against the Communist
parties.

Below we print an excerpt from
a letter written by Trotsky to
Chkheidze, one of the Menshevik
leaders, in April, 1913, and quoted
by Rothsetin in “Labor Monthly”
(London, Ens), December, 1933:

‘What a senseless incitement
seems the rotten discord which is

systematicalty excited by the
specialist in such work, Lenin,
that professional exploiter of
everything backward im the Rus-
sian Labor movement - .- - Lenin
has made Pravda the implement
of sectarian intrigue and unprin-
cipled corruption. . . - Lenin has

Results |

to play systematically at hide-
and-seek with his readers, talk-
ing of unity from below and
making a split above, represent-
ing conceptions of the class
struggle in terms. of sect and
faction. Im short, - the whole
structure of Leninism today is
built up on lies and distortions,
and contains the poisonous seed
of its own decay.”

How much the writings and
speeches of modern enemies of Sta-
lin and of the Communist parties
of the world follow the pattern or
the above quotation even if with-
out its literary qualities were it
not for which one would think it
a quotation from one o© the xre-
actionary speeches at the recent
CCE convention.—_M.B.

So]
By
OL’ BILL
2 In the British
Remember house of com-
The Maine.’ mons a few days
ago this phrase

Was used in discussing the alleged
attack on the Nazi warship Leip-
zig by Spanish government forces,
This is not the same German
eruiser. Leipzig, that terrorized the
North Pacific during the early
years of the World War—under
steam made with coal dug by
Nanaimo miners and sold to the
Germans by the Western Fuel
company after the outbreak of
Wwar—but a new addition to the
Nazi navy to help Hitler destroy
the fruits -of two thousand years
of civilization.

The slogan, “Remember the
Maine’ is not a very happy one
for the Nazis. About 40 years ago,
the US battleship blew up in
Havana harbor. Every war has te
have an excuse for the opening
shot. The Spaniards were blamed
for mining her and the war was
on. Years afterwards, a govern-
ment investigation into the sinking
took place, but stepped all of a
sudden when the fractured plates
showed that the ship was blown
up from her own interior—what
the dicks call an inside job. But
it served to stir up the mob
patriotism necessary for Teddy
Roosevelt's Roughriders to gallop
up San Juan Hill.

In the present instance the
Nazi conspirators lacked the guts
to blow up the Leipzige but their al-
legations are as indubitably false
as the criminal claims of the
American sugar kings who sought
to rule the plantations of Cuba.

*
3 Qne of the tra-
Admirals or ditions of the
Generals? British house oF

commons is, that
that august assemblage must al-
ways have its clown. ‘Jimmy’
Thomas filled the bill at one tims
but had to give pride of place to
Waney Astor who has held the
spotlight for the past decade. Her
maximum clowning efforts are
made during the speeches of Willie
Gallacher, the only Communist
member of the house.

“Tady’’ Astor, nee Nancy Lang-
horne, is one of the 200 per cent
patriots. Texas is the country of
the longhorns but Nancy is from
Ole Virginny; one of the FEY, as
©. Henry calls them, the First
Families of the Wirginia aristoc-
racy. But Nancy is one of those
patriots who know just what they
are patronizing and when the
pickings looked better as a full-
blooded Emelisher she was not
averse to changing her loyalty.

Today she is back on her native
sward with “Some salty remarks
on Sovietism.” Speaking of the
Communists, she says: “Lo achieve:
the brotherhood of man they shoot
generals. It’s all supposed to be
Jove, but they don’t shoot for love.
Its gangster rule.”

Without commenting on her
solicitude for the traitorous gen=
erals of the Soviet Red Army

swwhose villainous plans were nipped »

in the bud, we recommend the ex-
Virginia patriot to study the his-
tory of her adopted patriotism.
There she will learn that the shoot-
ine of an admiral is a good old
English custom, so pronounced,
that Voltaire was moved to make
it into a proverb, “The English
shoot an admiral every little while
for the encouragement of the
others.” If we are to remember
the Maine, Lady Astor should also
remember Admiral Byneg.

*
eons The following list
Some Militia of engagements

Campaigns. in which the Ca-
nadian militia
has taken part may help trade

unionists to understand why the
military authorities appeal te em-
ployers to keep jobs open for
militiamen who go to camp for
summer training. Navy, artillery,
eavalry, infantry and air forces
are all represented. Qn one oc-
casion, in Winnipeg, the street-
car company paid a dollar a day
extra to each militiaman, bringing
their strike-breaking wage up to
$2 a day. There may have been
other occasions but this list should
interest every trade unionist, the
described workers being strikers in
every case:

1877, South ‘Wellington, Va,
against miners; 1880, Westville,
WS, miners; 1852, Lingan Colliery,
WS, miners; 15890, Wellington, V4,
miners; 1899, London, Ont., street-
carmen; 1900, Valleyfield, Que.,
textile workers; 1900, Fraser River,
BC, fishermen; 1900, Magog, Que.,
textile workers; 1902, Toronto,
street carmen; 1903, Montreal, Que.,
longshoremen; 1903, Sault Ste.
Marie, Ont. workers of Lake Su-
perior Corporation: i904, Sydney,
WS, steelworkers; 1906, Winnipeg,
street carmen; 1906, Buckingham,
Que., sawmill workers; 1906, Hamil-
ton, Ont., street carmen, 1909,
Fort William, Ont., CPR freight-
handlers; 1909, Dominion No. 2s
Glace Bay, NS miners; 1910,
Brockville, Ont., GTP employes;
1910, Winnipes, street carmen
(militia held in barracks); 1910,
London, Ont., GTP employees;
1911, Prince Rupert, BC, road-
graders; 1913, Vancouver island,
miners; 1914, Island miners again;
41919, Winnipes General Strike;
1922, Gape Breton, NS, miners;
1923, Sydney, NS, steelworkers;
1925, Glace Bay, NS, miners; 1933,
Anyox, BC, miners and smelter-
men; 1933, Stratford Ont., furni-
ture workers.

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