LLIN AS hi - ee Page Four B.C. WG@REKERS’ NEWS B.C Workers NEws Published Weekly by THE PROLETARIAN PUBLISHING ASS'N Room 10, 163 West Hastings Street - Vancouver, B.C. & — Subscription Rates — One Year — $1.80 Half Year __—_ 1.00 Three Months__$ .50 Single Copy —— -05 Make All Checks Payable to the B.C. WORKERS’ NEWS Send All Copy and Manuscript to the Chairman of the Editorial Board — Send All Montes and Letters Per- taining to Advertising and Circulation to the Business Manager. Vancouver, B.C., April 3, 1936 In view of articles by Graham Spry of Ontario and J. S. Woodsworth haying appeared in the GC.G.F. press, articles which were written against unity of the progressive forces of Canada, we are giving space in this issue to a reply to Spry by Sam Carr. The arguments put forward by Carr apply with equal clearness, logic and force to the anti-unity position of Mr. Woodsworth.—EDITOR. %* * = * i PROPOSE the formation of a united front of the common people, not upon the basis of gen- eralizations. When we issue the slogan, “Unity against starvation, fascism and war,” it does not mean that these three words are the complete and detailed pro- gram we propose for a united front. It does, however, mean that we can, on the BASIS of these three potent words, elaborate a program which will contain the answer to the needs of the employed and unemployed workers, the poverty- stricken and dispossessed farmers, the impoverished and futureless masses of the middle class and intelli- gentsia. It does most decisively mean that, on the basis of this slogan, we can elaborate a program which will express the aspiration of the basic masses of our population against the war-mongers, against the nickel parons, against the profiteers, who would embroil our country in another war. Under this slogan, we can elaborate a program of concrete action to preserve peace in the world, which is the only way to preserve peace for Canada. Under this slogan, we can elaborate a program for the extension of the liberties of the people and the prevention of the advance of the forces of reaction which are pronounced enough to indicate the tenden- cies they lead to. Why did we not, until now, elaborate such a pro- gram aud lay it on the table as the basis for the united front? Why did we not in our recent letter to the Provincial Council of the G.G.F. of Ontario, answer all * questions raised by Mr. Spry in his editorial of Febru- ary 22, namely: What will be the constitution upon which unity is to be based, immediate and long terms, financing machinery for elections, etc.? We did not answer these important questions, not pecause we have no constructive proposals. The reason lies in the fact that the only program that will really be the program of unity must be 2 product of united effort. It should not come asa blueprint, com- plete in all details from one particular side, it should represent the work and experiences of both our camps. R. SPRY criticized us for our “vagueness’ and declared that: “A new party cannot be formed upon such vague phrases as “action for peace,’ as “maintenance of democratic rights” as “fight against fascism” as “transfer the burden onto the shoulders of the ruling class.» There is not a political party in Ganada that would not use these phrases.” He apparently forgets that, while some capitalist parties may demagogically utilize these slogans, it is only a united people's party that would actually fight to put the content of these slogans into life. However, Jet us see what Mr. Spry, who opposes vagueness and abstractions, who demands a program based on Ca- neadian reality, himself proposes: ‘The first of these (planks for united effort—s.C.) is opposition to monopoly.” * = * = q-OINTING out that some fascists also attack mon- opoly, Mr. Spry declares that a united anti-capi- talist movement, having placed the opposition to monopoly to the foreground, would also propose the Iain instrument in the struggle, socialization. Mr. Spry further attaches the possibilities of immediate improvements in the standard of living to what he calls “the ultimate solution,” i.e. “socialization of finance.” We beg to disagree with proposals as to what would constitute the most powerful rallying slogans for a people’s anti-capitalist front. Is this the plan that will rally the masses of unemployed on relief, more than a fight for increased relief, work and opposition fo the campaign to disfranchise them because of yinemployment? Faced with the staggering profits of the rich, the impoverished masses should be organized to fight monopoly, but not in the quixotic way that believes that we can haye a capitalism: purged of monopoly. It should be done in the spirit of the introduction to the Regina manifesto of the C.C-F., in the spirit of eventual organization “to replace the system,” in the spirit of immediate rallying of the masses to fight for concessions from monopoly capital, while we rally a force strong enough to rid Ganada of this scourge completely and forever. + * % * HE ARTICLE in the “New Frontier’ objects stren- uously to the position of Comrade Leslie Morris because cf his “assumption that the G.C.E. ever had a loosely federated constitution to which any party vaguely sympathetic could affiliate.” This is one of the arguments against the united front always brought forward as the last resort to prevent much-needed unity. It is claimed that unity with other organizations is against the C.C.F. con- stitution. Such is the anti-unity battle-cry, when no other weighty arguments remain. The Co-operative Com- monwealth Federation manifesto, issued at the Re- gina conference, declares that: “phe G.C.F. is a Federation of organizations whose purpose is the establishment in Canada of a G o-operative Commonwealth in which the principle regulating production, distribution and exchange will be the supplying of human needs and not the making of profits. ‘We are to replace the present capitalist system, with its inherent injustice and inhumanity, by 2 social order from which the domination and ex ploitation of one elass by another will be eliminated, in which economic planning will supersede unregu- lated private enterprise and competition, and in which genuine democratic self-government based upon economic equality will be possible.” * os * = * % W" GOMMUNISTS are not in “vague sympathy” with the principles enumerated in the above quotations, because they express the true hopes and tasks of all those who fight for a world free from ex- ploiters. ; The Regina manifesto clearly speaks of “a federa- tion of organizations’’ which agree on the principles above quoted. it is the realization of the very first postulates of the Regina manifeste that we are pro- posing. It is the people who have for a long time now tried with all their power to narrow the C.C-F. down, to de- stroy its federated character, as clearly expressed in the Regina manifesto, not the Communists, who are guilty of making a deep difference “between the window and the inside of the shop,” as Mr. Spry calls it. I have carefully read the constitution again and again. Article two, dealing with the object of the organization declares: “Phe object of the federation shall bé to €OQ- ORDEINATE THE ACTIVITIES OF MEMBER OR- GANIZATIONS, in order to promote, through po- litical action and other appropriate means, the establishment in Canada of a €o-operative Common- wealth Federation, in which the principle regulat- ing production, distribution and exchange, will be the supplying of human needs and not the making of profits.” (Wiy emphasis.—S.C.) Were is the constitutional provision setting out the object of the C.C.F., composed, you will note, of “member organizations!’ which, while agreeing in prin- ciple on the common ground of a struggle for society as indicated above, may, and will, have some differ- ences. Otherwise the constitution need not have stated that the “object of the federation’’ will be to “co- ordinate the activities of the member organizations.” HE GC.C.F. constitution, as Mr. Spry framed at Regina, not only makes it possible but makes every true G.G.F. member duty-bound to make the G.G.F. into a true federated farmer-labor party, mak— ing the only condition for entry support of the prin- ciple of a struggle for a society not operated for profit. We maintain, therefore, that the C.C.F. can be broadened out and become a mighty people's party in Canada only by extension of the federated basic inclusions of the trade unions, farmers and middle- class organizations, as well as the Communist Party- So, jointly, we can and must work out the program of demands for the Canadian people. The details, as asked for by,Mr. Spry on February 22, though es- sential, are not basic obstacles to unity and can only be worked out jointly. se *« = & R,. SPRY states: “I remain very strongly dubious of Communist enthusiasm for ‘democratic rights-’ Has the Communist Party abandoned its erstwhile horror of ‘bourgeois democracy’ ?¥ The civil liberties of the pecple, their democratic rights, have never been sneered at by Communists, though we know their limitation under the present system and though we know that we need to wage a constant fight against the rulers who would abrogate them, reduce and minimize them. The talk of the ‘erstwhile horror” of Communists about ‘bourgeois democracy” may be good word-jug- sling. We Communists know that bourgeois democracy does not mean the rule of the people. However, when we maintain that in face of adyancing fascism, Wwe are ready to unite with all forces willing to protest and fight for the extension of the democratic mghts, we say so, not because we have outlived “‘our horror” and now prefer the continuation of ‘bourgeois de- mocracy.’’ Not so. We Communists, when faced with the alternative of fascist dictatorship or so-called “bourgeois demo- eracy’’ choose the later, not because we prefer it, but because it provides greater opportunities for the legal organization of th masses to fight for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of true workers’ democracy. = = * = QW, insofar as the “specific Ganadian Condi- tions” are concerned, we Communists. viewing life in its changes and developments, cannot but see that though the problems of Socialism is world-wide, the immediate tactics, methods or organization, and methods of immediate struggle will vary with specific conditions in the various capitalist countries. Mr. Spry states in the New Frontier that Commun- ists, in a blundering way, are ‘trying to impose upor the Canadian people the patterm of the French and European mind. Henri Barbusse may have been sound in Paris. but he is not sound in Toronto.” From Henri Barbusse we can all learn that united effort is the strongest effort, an axiom taught to us in public school but apparently forgotten by some. We Communists propose a struggle for unemploy- ment insurance to be paid by the rich; we propose that starvation shall be exterminated now, without delay by taxations upon the incomes which can stand it; we propose that the workers in every village and town and city shall not wait, as some suggest, from one election to another, hoping that those they elect will bring the things Canadian men, women and children erave. but that they should organize now and militant- ly fight. @Qur proposals are Canadian, so much so that they have been used again and again, and are being used today from coast to coast, to make life easier while preparing for the great battles of tomorrow. E PROPOSE that we organize the Canadians for the struggle against war. Canada is not on the Rhine, nor wad it there jin the last war, yet all this did not prevent the fields of Flanders from being dot- ted by graves of Toronto, Winnipeg and Vancouver boys. And what Henri Barbusse had to say about the war is not only sound in Paris, it is just as sound in Paris, Ontario. { We Communists are much fairer to our opponents, however. When we criticize the New Commonwealth for a steady barrage of propagaiida, telling the people that Norway, Sweden or another Scandinavian coun- try introduces Socialism peacefully, we do so, not be- cause we, like Mr. Spry, deny international experience, but because nothing that happened in Sweden or Nor- way can, by any stretch of imagination, be considered as Socialism and. in addition, we must remember Ger- many and Austria. Mr. Spry talks of the “sovereignty of the Commun- ist International’—so unwittinsly joins his voice to the ery of “Moscow agents!” > = = * W™ ARE proud of our affiliations with the Third International because it represents the ereatest wealth of accumulated experiences of struggle on be- half of our class, of struggles on behalf of the com- mon people, of what history has proven to be the only way to socialism. At no time can our affiliation to the GI. interfere with our honest participation in a ©.C.F. which would be a truly broad labor-farmer movement against capitalism. The wave of the united front is rising. It would be extremely dangerous for the labor movement Big ES} once before, those who have a vision of the needs of the future, those who see the events in Europe, and learn from them, would be expelled, on campaigns against them started. Such actions will weaken all of us who have the great aim which we are willing to struggle for, the aim of a Society free from exploitation of man by man- I wish to finish this by expressing the hope that, be- fore long, Mr. Spry will decide where he stands and will decide that in spite of Many prejudices which all of us still may have, his ple is with the forces of unity, which are the only forces of progress. ><> rkers’ News B.C. W Radio Broadcast FRIDAY—8:45 to 9:00 P.M. CKMO SOSO-SSSSO SSS SSS SS SOS OG OS SOO SOOO SISOS The World This Week By F. B. For the past two weeks there have been almost daily reports of armed clashes along the _ Soviet- Manchukuoan and Mongolian-Man- ehukuoan borders. Japanese im- perialism has a dual motive in in- Stigating these disturbances, it wants to provoke the Soviet Union into declarings war, and to feel out the watchfulness and defences of the frontiers it intends to cross sooner or later in fulfilment of its Plans for the complete domination of the Asiatic continent. The in- cidents are assuming larger pro- portions, machine guns and artillery being used. The Japanese claim that the boundaries have never been properly defined and want a re- adjustment, but this is an obvious excuse as the boundaries between Siberia and China were very defi- nitely outlined as far back as 1915 when the €zarist govermment signed a treaty with China recognizing th freedom of Mongolia. 2 What is sometimes called Outer Miongolia has since 1924 been of- ficially termed the Mongolian Peo- ple’s Republic, a revolution in that year having caused the change. 1t is a completely independent state, very friendly to the Soviet Union, and a mutual assistance pact be- tween the two Has just been signed. It lies between Soviet territory and Manchukuo, the Japanese puppet State, and has a population of 540,- 000, and if attacked by Japan it will have the immediate military assist- ance of the Soviet government. The time for Japanese aggression is apparently getting closer. The notorious White Guard murderer, General Seminoff, remembered for his frightful atrocities against work- ers and peasants of Manchuria dur- ing the Japunese war of interven- tion after the revolution, is said to be active again organizing White Russian riff-raff in support of the expected Japanese offensive. The Japanese government, too. is threat- ening to take a hand against the Red Army of Soviet China which has recently advanced into Shansi, a province in the north-west of @hina, a move that wall prevent Japan from driving a wedge be- tween the Peopie’s Republic and China. The Red invusion of Shansi is also causing: China’s Premier Chiang Kai Shek much worry, as he sees in it a step towards the Sovictization of all Worth China. So, puppet that he is, he has asked Japan for permission to advance against the Reds. What a spectacle when the premier of a country cannot move within his own boundaries without permission of a foreign power! Japan has agreed, provided he accepts her terms, which are that he must retreat out of Shansi immediately he has de- feated the Reds, and that he must agree to military co-operation with Japanese forces against Commun- ism, a condition that shows that Japan intends to use millions of Chinese troops against the Soviet Union. But Chiang Kai Shek’s influence is becoming weaker throughout China and he maintains his position only through the strength of his army. He is so notoriously pro- Japanese that the powerful national front against Japanese imperialism is being direct against his govern- ment as well as against Japan. This movement, aiming to unite all anti- Japanese elements regardless of political” views, is rapidly gaining weight throughout China. > * = = Chiang Kai Shek has a son who in 1926 went to Moscow to be edu- cated. The son, Chiang Chin Ko, has written an open letter to his father, published in the Leningrad press, in which he says: “Your son is wealthy in knowl- edge of human life and the methods of liberating exploited, oppressed humanity. Your son has found the road to a new life and will never go back home to drag out there the miserable existence of a timid weapon in the hands of a mounte- bank father. “Don’t you remember, Mother, how he dragged you by the hair from the second floor? Whom did you implore on your knees not to throw you out of the house? Wasn't it he? Who drove my grandmother to the grave, by beatings and in- sults? Wasn't it he?’ Chiang Chin Ko studied engineer- ing and entered a Soviet plant in 1930; and is now at the head of a department with 4000 workers under him, and this life is far preferable to him than to live in ease and be known as the son of the Chinese Mussolini, Ghiang Kai Shek. A Point of Privilege Mr. D. J. Hartigan (Cape Breton South): “Mr. Speaker, I rise to a question of privilege. On Monday last, the leader of the opposition (Mr. Bennett) in answer to a ques- tion of mine made the following statement.” (His words did not reach this side of the house but evidently were heard by the Hansard reporter. The statement as reported is as follows): Mr. Bennett: “Will you, Mz. Ghairman, be good enough to tell the hon. gentleman to talk to bim- self outside.” . Mr. Hartigan: “I wish to inform the hon. gentleman that Iam not a past prime minister and have never been in the habit * Mr. Bennett: “This surely is not a question of privilege.” Mr. Hartigan: of holding council meetings with myself in front of the Rideau Club.” Mr. Speaker: “Order!” —WHansard, March 25, 1936. Get a subscription from your neighor or shop mate for the B.C. Workers News. furliy Watchword in Soviet Food Plant “ Inspections are frequent as bactericlogists in the Bolshevik con- fectionery factory in Moscow seek Here's one of the workers having tests made of her hands by the factory's scientific staff. The worker with the cleanest hands gets & prize. to insure production of pure foods. No Argument Justifies ‘Disunity Of Labor The correctness of the Communist policy of taking up the fight for the immediate economic and political meeds and demands of the people and thereby uniting them against capitalism is being proved }y daily experience. Such a policy is the key for the betterment of conditions right now and is one of the most ef- fective means for the extension of Socialist thought and action amonge non-socialist massés. The recent experiences and actions of the C.C.F. bear out these statements. Iormerly the parliamentary mem- bers of the C.C.F. were concerned, in the main, with one resolution, namely, “for the public ownership of the means of production.” Today there is a change. Today the needs and demands of the people have reached such a stage that the echo of these struggles must find a place in the legislation halls of the Federal and Provincial Govern- ments. No Socialist politician can ignore these demands and at the same time be a tribune for the people. C.C.F. Leaders Turn to Concrete Policy J. S. Woodsworth’s stand on the recent Montreal speech of the Fascist Italian Consul, the appeal of T. @ Douglas for Canada’s support of collective security through the League of Nations, the proposal of A. Heaps for a better old age pen- sion scheme and the fight of Grant MeNeill for adequate relief at the expense of the big incomes of the rich, show a tum toward a more conerete policy. Such a policy is much more understandable to the people and will unify and win their support rather than the repetition of the old slogans which. meant “Socialism or nothing.”’ The struggle of the C.C.F. mem- bers in Victoria for better relief, for adequate health insurance, for an investigation into the police brutal- ity of the Corbin strike, are some of the issues that prove that the C.C.F. can become a potent political foree in the lives of B.C. people. This policy of fighting for the im- mediate needs of the people has not damaged the growth of the C.C.FE.; it has raised its authority among the people. The continuation of this policy on an increased scale will win the provincial and bye-elections. United action around definite problems is growing. For the first time in many years Toronto will have a united May Day demonstra- tion. The C.C.F., the Trades and Labor Council and the Communist Party by uniting for May Day have shown the way to the rest of Gan- ada. Such a policy of unity and co- operation will help to build the C.C.F. and the labor movement throughout Canada. Such a policy will draw like a magnet thousands who hitherto were indifferent and apathetic. Local United Movements Belie National Leader’s Policies Such unity Is neded in B.C. at the present time. In B.C. popular and progressive movements have sprung into being in recent months. The Burnaby Social Service Coun- cil, the Nanaimo C.C.F. Industrial and Economie Conference, the Joint activities of the C.C.F. and C.P. in Prince George and other similar bodies. Gan Mr. Woodsworth or Mr. Connell declare that the betterment of the people’s conditions is hind- ered by the above mentioned move- ments? Communists take the posi- tion that this is precisely how pro- gressive action is obtained, unity established, conditions bettered and socialism brought nearer. What is a maultiplication of now needed is local endeavors and activities throughout British Columbia and Canada with many more people drawn in to such progressive move- ment that will become the founda- tion for welding a Canadian peo- ple’s front. This is the policy that is in the best interests of the people and which rallies the widest support needed for the enactment of pro- eressive legislation. Im the C.C.P. national. provincial and regional committees, opinions are divided. Some have established unity. Others are totally against unity. They want to go it alone. They entertain no vision of a common ground for unity among labor organizations; indeed they place obstacles in the path, speaking and writing against unity. They frown upon and retard local joint committees which spon- sor popular movements. Huge Tasks Lie Ahead of the Labor Movement Take B.C. for instance. Is it not clear that a dis-united working and middle class and a divided €.C.F. will mean a victory for the capital- ist parties In imposing yet greater hardships upon the masses. Unity on the other hand ean ana will bring victories for the forces of progress. We are faced with great resonsibilities. The task of hammer- ing out a policy fitted to the needs of the people and for the issuance of a rallying call to all who will unite against capitalism and its forees is still ahead of us. The ham- mering out of such a policy must not be delayed. Time does not wait. Reaction is attempting to gather and concentrate its forces. Adoption of a policy to rally the broad masses of the people can only come about after thorough soing discussions by all those opposed to eapitalism. It cannot be the work of one man, nor of one party. 1t must be the product of collective ef- forts, and mutual understanding. The C.C.F., the Trade Unions, the farmers’ organizations, the Com- munist Party, and organizations of the middle class must come together to assume this responsibility and fulfil this gigantic task. The Communist Party has made proposals, Mr. Connell has drawn up a program for immediate fulfil- ment, other working and middle class organizations haye also made contributions. All of these proposals can become the basis for discussion from which will ensue a program acceptable to all progressive people. The fight of the people demands that this be accomplished as speed- ily as possible. B. L. Religion And Revolution We are in receipt of a request from a reader as to whether 2 worker can be religious and at the same time be 2 revolutionary. If by this is meant, “Can the worker in question be an active member in the revolutionary labor movement and religious at the same time?” then the answer is “Yes.” In the course of struggle for im- mediate needs of the workers, such as strikes for better wages and con- ditions, for better relief for unem- ployed workers, and in the fight for retention of, or for more liberal rights of expression and organiza- tion, there have been many thou- sands of workers, even in Canada, not to mention Hurope, where work- ers took an active part and were still religious. We could quote scores of instan- ces in Europe, but to mention one outstanding near to home should be sufficient and convincing: At the Fraser Mills strike a few years ago there were 2 large num- ber of Catholic workers on strike. The writer addressed the strikers at one of the very first meetings and stood under the crucifix in the Catholic Ghurch Hall. The priest was sympathetic at the beginning of the strike, but after it was settled he began to attempt to win the workers away from the union. Eventually, at Master time, the priest told some of the workers that they could not take “confession” unless they left their union cards in the “box.’” Some of the workers refused to do this, and went to another church to get confession. Others left thtir union ecards in order to get confession, but applied to the union for another. They wanted religion, but they wanted their union, even though the priest told them that it was a “red union.” Camp 226 will hold a Hiondyke Wight at the home of Mrs. A. Dew- hurst, Harrison Mills, on Saturday, April 4, with xwhist, bingo, ete. Re- freshments will be served. Tickets 95 cents. Proceeds for Harrison Mills Community Hall. Our paper must be good. We're drawing the enemy’= fire. Shoot us up some more ammunition. Send .do anything. Here I have been in cee By OL’ BILL Some workers when they first ~ realize the class inequalities of : capitalist society become aflame with reveluntionary fire. They exert all their energy for twenty-four hours a day to bringing about a social change that will correct the injustices they feel. Since they are inspired solely by feeling and sentiment they burn themselves out in a few months and become the victims of despond-— ency and defeatism. For instance, a few weeks ago I met a comrade who theught there was never going te be any change. He expressed him- self in words something like this: “I don’t believe the workers will ever the Movement six months and f don’t see any change.” There is only one answer to such a question. Workers who develom such an attitude of mind haye to be put on the path of finding a& scientific reason for their activity instead of the “sense of injustice.’ To take care of the immediate situ- ation, however, I pointed out to this comrade that he was dealing with a historical process which can-— not be reckoned like wages, by the hour, the day or the week. I asked him to wait till he has been as long in the roveluntionary movement as T have. He could them make comparisons that would show great changes. In 1900 there was no Labor Party in the British Par- liament—now there is a Socialis state in the Soviet Union. : The correctness of this way of looking at social progress was forcibly brought home to me at the P.A.C. meeting in the Vancouver Hotel. Anna Louise Strong herself is different from the “Anise”? who used to write a column of “poetry with the Corsets off” in the Seattle “Union Record’ twenty years agou But it was the :udience that demon— Strated “social change” best. Ten or twelve years ago wher Anna Louise Strenge spoke on the same subject: in the old Columbia Theatre, her listeners were all hard— boiled skidroaders like myself—the only people vsho were interested im the struggles of our fellow-workers in the Soviet Republic. At the Hotel Vancouver, two weeks ago, her audience was composed of intel— iectuals. professionals, school teach ers, small business people, higher paid workers, with only a smalpr scattering of us rough-neck pluss_ It took ten years to make this change—so den’t worry if you -don’t see a revolution in six months! A prominent C.C:F. member ex— pressed the opinion to me some time ago that the political jackal Ton: MacInnes,- was: only a harmless clown. I agreed that he was a clown | of a kind but that his talents made him more of a2 mountebank than a clown. He is a passable writer; has a f00G gift of the gab, especially for cul- tus wawa; has had a university training that developed such talents as he was possessed of, in fact he has everything except principle. OF this latter quality he has no more © than a eash register. 2 When such a one sells his talents, even though they have be- come dulled through senile decrepi—- tude, to the enemies of the working= elass, for a working class leader to describe him as “‘harmiess’’ is the height of folly. He is a as harmless as a copperhead or a rattlesnake. Many Social Democratic and anti- fascist leaders in Germany used to speak of Hitler as a harmless. aneé ludicrous clown. Today they have occasion to reverse their judgement. For all MaciInnes’ demagogic¢ ravings about malefactors of great wealth he takes his place as a mer- cenary vindiecator of these same malefactors in his yenomous attacks on the men who belong to the L.W.L.U- MacInnes knows that the B.C. Loggers’ Association came into ex- istence as a reactionary move to prevent the establishment of the pulp and paper industry m this province. They are just as reaction- ary today but the shrieking verbos— ity and sycophantic brain of would be Hitler MacInnes, is at their service so long as it is to off— set the efforts of the loggers to bet- ter their conditions. Nothing different is to be expected from the type of prehensile, jingo- istic patriots and flag-wagging and mind-befogging windjammers to which MacInnes belongs than that they should sound the depths poli- tical infamy in the ranks of stools and informers. And this on his own showing is not beneath MacInnes. In an article he wrote once on “Worrison of Pekin,” he tells how he studied Morrison’s library. Mor- rison was the adviser to the Chinese government of Tuan Shi-kai. While “studying”’ he saw another student, a young Hindu that he had known in New Westminster, who was con- nected with the movement for Indian freedom. Tarack Noth Das was his name and he was as good a patriot in reality as MaciInnes is with his month. Says AfaciInnes: “Morrison seemed upset when I told him a few things’—The same kind of things he tells over the air about Communism, no doubt. Of course that was the end of the Hindu revo- lutionary in China, Keep this date open for Domestic Workers: Thursday, April i6th, at O’Brien Hall, 404 Homer Street. A sale of work and tea, from 3 to 5:30 p.m. Domestic Workers meet in this hall every second Thursday at 3:30 p-m. subs. the »