5 lg * A false OES the cease-fire mean D peace? That is the anxious question asked on all sides. Not yet. The Anglo-French military forces are still astride the Suez Canal. Israel still de- mands to hold on to what it regards as the spoils of war. There are visible attempts in certain quarters to switch the war drive of reaction from Egypt to Hungary. Two objectives are therefore now essential: First, to secure the with- drawal of Anglo-French mili- tary forces from the Suez Canal, and Israeli forces back to the frontier, and to restore the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Egypt. Second, to defeat the at- tempts of reaction to switch the war drive from Egypt to Hungary, and to stand firm (irrespective of opinions on the events in Hungary) against any campaign to inveigle the progressive forces, on the basis of the emotions aroused by the events in Hungary, into a reck- less hate campaign and poten- tial war incitement against the Soviet Union and the countries of socialism. All the jubhiation which has been loudly expressed over the Anglo-French announcement of a cease-fire in Egypt must not blind us to the harsh fact that the Eden-Mollet objective from the moment of the nation- alisation of the Suez Canal, to use military force in order to establish Anglo-French mili- tary control of the Suez Canal has been carried out. Undoubtedly the abruptness of the Anglo-French proclama- tion of the cease-fire, which followed within 24 hours of the Soviet notes the threatened combined military action to end the war, reflected the.im- pact of forces outside the con- trol or original calculations of the British and French gov- ernments. Anglo-French ruling circles now openly express the fear that world opinion will ascribe to the Soviet Union the credit for ending the war in the Mid- dle East. * It is in the light of this sit- uation that the intensive pre- sent campaign of reaction (as- sisted unfortunately by British Labor leader Hugh Gaitskell) to switch the overwhelming public anger against the Mid- dle Eastern war into anti- Seviet channels on the issue of Hungary takes on its real significance. attempt is made _ to a false analogy between political The araw Egypt and Hungary By R. PALME DUTT analogy the Anglo-French armed in- vasion of Egypt and armed aggression against the Egyp- tian government in order to restore colonialism and _ the armed assistance of the Soviet Union to the Hungarian Work- ers and Peasants’ government against foreign-assisted fascism and counter-revolution. On this basis the attempt is made to divide the progres- sive forces in Britain, France and other countries for the benefit of world reaction and the war drive. It is understandable that there is intense concern and wide vaYiations of opinion in the labor movement and popu- lar movement over the tragic series of events in Hungary. There have been two ele- ments in the situation leading up to these events. There were genuine popular grievances and discontents arising from grave mistakes, injustices and crimes which took place under the previous Communist-led regime despite and alongside its gigantic achievements in building socialism in the midst of an initially deeply reaction- ary and fascist environmennt. Serious mistakes were also made in the relations of the Soviet Union and the Peoples’ Democracies, as recognized in the Soviet statement of Octo- ber 30. But there has also been from the end of the last war a great effort-by foreign-financed and inspired reaction to conduct subversive activity agaist the socialist system with the even- tual aim of overthrowing it. Taking advantage of the popular discontent, these coun- ter-revolutionary forces, arm- ed and organised from abroad, endeavored to turn the peoples’ movement into a reactionary direction and utilize it for the aims of the counter-revolution. * The attempted analogy be- tween the Anglo-French ag- gression on Egypt and the So- viet armed assistance to the Hungarian government against fascism is a false one. First, the Anglo-French ag- gression was conducted against the Egyptian government. The Soviet assistance was given on What are the real counter - revolutionary ' ele- ments had taken over the for- eign office. Writing in Rey- nolds News (London) on No- vember 4, Alexander “Werth referred to the “seizure by the ‘revolutionaries’ of the foreign ministry in Budapest.” He wrote: “Imre Nagy, the premier, is also foreign munis- ter, and the ‘revolutionaries’ are Hungarian right-wing ex- tremists, under the leadership of Joseph Dudas, who do not recognize the authority of the Nagy government.” Through the foreign office the counter revolutionaries were in fact presenting their case to the world. Cardinal Mindzenty’s broadcast was the virtual signal for the counter revolutionary coup. It can be summed up in four points: out with the Nagy government — _ this having served its purpose of the fa- cade behind which counter- revolution was preparing its forces for the final effort; the restoration of capitalism; the land to be taken from the peasants and the workshops from the working class; the restoration of the economic and political power of the church; and direct Western in. tervention. It was a decisive class chal- lenge, and to this the Hun- garian working class respond- ed. Kadar and the best elements of the Hungarian Working People’s party. broke with Nagy on November 1 to form a new government, and places have been left open in the government for other demo- cratic representatives. This government declared: “The excesses of the counter-revo- lution must be stopped. The hour of action has come. “Defend the power of the workers and _ peasants, the gains of People’s Democracy; let us establish order, security and calm in our country.” Its program is one of soc- ialism, democracy and peac>. * But the question of a bas- tion of fascism in Hungary is a class issue not only for the Hungarian working class. It would have represented a decisive change in the bal- ance of forces in Central Eur- ope, menacing not onlv the USSR, but Czechoslovakia, Yugos’avia and every People’s Democracy, menacing the peace of the world. It would have been an en- couragment to Adenauer and every adventurer, and would have gravely increased the danger of war. These were the dangers which the Soviet gov- ernment had to take into ac- count when it made the diffi- cult decision to respond to the appeal of the Kadar gov- ernment for help against coun- ter-revolutionaries. This is how we have seen this decisive action. There was no alternative in this situation however much one would have wished: that the counter-revo- lutionary forces could have been dealt with differently. It has been decisive from two angles: from the class angle of fascism or socialism; - working class advance or counter-revolution . It has the invitation of the Hungarian government. Second, the Anglo-French armed forces invaded Egypt. The Soviet armed forces were stationed in Hungary since 1945, following the defeat of fascism with the recognised responsibility to protect the in- dependence of Hungary and prevent the return of fascism. Third, Britain and France had no legal right to invade Egypt. The Soviet armed forces were legally in Hungary by agreement under the Warsaw Pact. Fourth, and most important, the issue in Egypt is between imperialism and national liber- ation. The issue in Hungary is between the socialist achieve- ments of twelve years and the return of capitalism, landlord- ism and Horthy fascism, as made clear to all by Cardinal Mindszenty’s broadcast. The fight in Hungary and the fight in Egypt are not two separate or opposing fights. The same monopoly capitalist interests which attacked Egypt financed and armed fascism in Hungary. All the lessons of the events in Hungary, lessons of pro- found concerh to Communists, will be drawn. But once the issue had arisen of the restor- ation of White Terror and counter-revolution in Hungary, it must be faced by every so- cialist and anti-fascist, what ever the opinion on past ents. Restoration of fascism Hungary, alongside the regime of remilitarised Nazi forces ? Adenauer’s Western Germany; as a step to the restoration ° fascism in Central Europ® would mean a renewed menace to all the peoples of Europe and to peace, as bitter expel ence has taught. That is why the assistance of the Soviet Union to the ee garian Workers and Peasanls” government is not only action in defense of socialism, agai". : n counter-revolution, but acto in defense of peace. Whatever the various opi ons on Hungary, the progres sive forces cannot afford to 4% in such a way as to fall ing the trap of wide sections ai coming lined up with world action. In this hour_ of trial an danger there is the need ie maintain the greatest possib® unity. For through all < storm of today there is one le son of the entire present © which can never be lost sight. That is that the unity v the peoples of Britain, Frané and other capitalist count with the people of the Sov Union and the socialist co tries, and with the Asiab pr African peoples, is the ind pensable bastion of peace issues in Hungary? been decisive also from the viewpoint of peace. The issue was whether there should be a spearhead of re- action in Eastern Europe, a new hotbed of war prepara- tion, with probable American bases under a militant fascism; or a socialist state devoted to the cause of peace. This has been the issue fac- ing everyone. Should we support a tactic which in fact would be sup- port for the restoration of Hungarian fascism, or should we support those acting in the’ best interests of the Hungari- an people? Some would argue: better risk the danger of fascism than the danger of war. The answer to that is: it was not a risk of fascism—it was the cer- tainty of fascism, unless the Hungarian workers fought arms in hand, had a govern- ment capable of defeating counter-revolution, and receiv- ed the help of the Soviet Un- ion. The success of counter-revo- lution could have sparked off similar forces elsewhere in Eastern Europe, for which the West, and particularly the U.S. Secret Service, has been pre- paring for and spending its money on for years. The rise of fascism in 1933 meant war in 1939. It must not be allowed to rise again if peace is ever to be secured. Whereas to preserve Central Europe in the hands of the socia ist forces is the best guarantee for peace, both in the present and in the future. Some people ask whether this is not an interference ' NOVEMBER 16, 1956 — PACIFIC TRIBUNE — : as with self-determination. It Me a struggle within Hungaly ‘ys determine what forces Woy capable of making Hun the . free; in these last days on, forces of counter-revoll “ait with its external helP * 44 capitalism, were array against the forces of the W ing class and socialism. Had counter-revolutio® there would not have bee? to independent Hungary 8” “ao. determine its future, bU agar’ pendent, subservient Hume": —a pawn of the West. Socialist Hungary will and termine its own destiny oP forms of democratic dete : ment: As far as the Sovié tions ion is concerned, negate aw will start with all Wise Pact powers regarding «ning arrangements and evel ‘sion connected with the disP® of Soviet troops. pave Some say you cannot fore® socialism ‘imposed ig tru from the outside. This a not But this was not an It was the issue in Hungary: — who the Hungarian workers ip were building socialis’ op’ Hungary. Its further dev asi’ ment is the task and Te°F ie, bility of the Hungarian PY. It was the case of aoe jp- revolution subsidize? spired from the outs! y force: to destroy socialism b orker ; This is what every has got to understand: pert @ John Gollan is # itis secretary of he js a Communist party: from 4 licle is condensed 7% sich: much longer one pail, ; ed by the Londo Worker. 12° pac ork: Sadat pond Deg” Oe ee eg 7 Nene Mae er gy tao le le y we