Dealing with falling birth rates The USSR is currently looking into a problem which has surfaced in recent years, that of the country’s low birth rate and its effects. A two-child family has become the most com- monin the USSR, while there is a tendency in cities to have only one child. It should be mentioned, though, that the reproduction of the population on the scale of the country is still an expanded one, i.e. there are more children than are necessary for the simple replacement of the present generation. A considerable drop in the birth-rate took place in the 1960’s. In 1960, 5.3 million children were born in the country, while in 1967, 1968 and 1969 only 4.1 million children were born each year. In 1960 there were 25 births for every 1,000 people, while in 1969 there were only 17. Se In order to work out a correct demographic poli- cy, it is necessary to understand the reasons for this phenomenon. There are several of them. The reduction in the number of births in the 1960’s was to a considerable extent due to the results of the war of World War Two. In 1942-1946 the number of births was much lower than usual. In the 1960’s women born during those years became mothers. As there were few of them, the number of children born to them became correspondingly smaller. However, the main reason for the reduc- tion in the number of births was the drop in the real ~ birth-rate, i.e. the reduction of the number of chil- dren in the family. Sociologists observed that the reduction in the birth-rate corresponded with the intensive drawing of women into the national economy, particularly into industry, as well as with the migration of the population from the countryside. This coincidence was not accidental. It has been shown by special surveys that women who do not work have on the average more children than those who go out to work: Such factors as the sharp reduction of infant mortality and the improvement of women’s educa- tional and vocational standards have also influenced the birth-rate. The educational standard of Soviet women.has greatly improved in recent years. While in the 1960’s nearly all young women received at least an ~ eight-year education, in the 1970’s they received a ten-year eduction. A great percentage of women Backgrounder have received a special secondary or higher educa- tion. Women predominate among students, and six out of ten specialists engaged in the national economy are women. Young women are now more educated than men and the system of their life values has changed considerably. In a recent survey women were asked if they would prefer not to work at all and devote them- selves completely to bringing up their children if their husbands fully provided for the family. Se- venty seven per cent said *‘no’’. At the same time many scientists maintain that though the absolute majority of women consider a family with two-three children the most normal, they restrict themselves to the birth of only one or two children. It is quite obvious that more flexible forms of using women’s working time are necessary — for instance, a reduced working day, or reduced work- ing week which are already being gradually intro- duced in the country. There are also plans to intro- duce in 1981-1983 a partly paid leave for mothers so. that they can take care of their children till they reach the age of one year. According to existing legislation, women are granted a fully paid leave of 56 days before the birth of a child and 56 days after its birth (with the exception of special cases of complicated births, etc. when this term is extended to 72 days). In the © past a woman could also stay home with her baby until it reached one year of age, but without pay. Her job was held for her. Now the state will pay the mother from 35 to 50 roubles a month (the size of the payment depends on the place of residence —in northern regions it is higher). This partly-paid leave has begun to be introduced in various parts of the country. In the future i will be extended -until.the child.reaches the «.,. vf 18 months. , It is intended to introduce lump-sum grants to mothers of 50 roubles on the birth of the first child and of 100 roubles on the birth of the second and SS=.< SET fF Two-thirds of engineers in the Soviet Union are wo- men, in fact six out of 10 specialists in the economy are women. Soviet legislators are now trying to deal with women trading off having children for a career. third child, as well as to increase the annual vaca- . tion of working women with two and more children under the age of 12 years by 3 days. The number of places at pre-school children’s institutions, particularly at kindergartens, will in- crease as rapidly as before. The further develop- ment of the service sphere aimed at helping women spend less time on domestic chores is also envis- aged. All these social measures require big expendi- tures. In the current five-year period the state is allocating over 9 billion roubles (about $12-billion U.S.) measures aimed at aiding families with chil- dren. The control of the birth-rate is a very complex matter. After all, it is the right of each woman to decide whether she wants to have a baby or not. However, it is possible to create such conditions that would allow her to solve this problem positive- ly. The state measures are aimed at the creation of these conditions. The future will show how effec- tive they are.. * * * This study was prepared for the Soviet news agency APN by Victor Perevedentsev, Doctor of Science, demographer. Champion of p Last week we showed why the threat of a world nuclear war is rooted in the expansionist aims of the imperialist rul- ers of the USA and other NATO powers. Threats of a military nature are trum- peted almost daily from Washington by the trigger-happy Reagan Administra- tion, which are invariably accompanied _ by measures to beef up the military arse- nals of the USA and NATO. This cannot help but fire up the arms race, intensify the danger of war and push down the - Peoples’ living standards. * * * The people everywhere, no matter whether they live in the capitalist coun- tries, the socialist countries or in the newly-developing countries, must bear the economic and financial burden of the arms race. And for what purpose? We are told that we must bear the burden, | including the horrifying possibilities of a nuclear catastrophe, in order to counter an alleged ‘‘Soviet threat”’. Let us take a look at that ‘‘threat’’. For our foremost authority on such a Vital question we turn to USSR President Leonid Brezhnev. In his report to the 26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on Feb. 26 of this year, Brezhnev stated before the press of the whole world the Soviet vision of the fu- ture in these words: “Not war preparations that doom Peoples to a senseless squandering of their material and spiritual wealth, but ‘consolidation of peace — that is the clue to the future.”’ * * * In his speech Brezhnev stressed that on the international level “‘no task is more important’’ for the Soviet Union, for the Soviet people ‘‘and, for that mat- ter, all the peoples of the world”’ than “to safeguard peace’. He underlined that by safeguarding peace ‘‘we are working for the happiness of dozens of future genera- tions”’. The Soviet president went on to say: “If there is peace, the creative energy of the peoples backed by the achievements of science and technology is certain to solve the problems that are now troubl- i ople.”’ ne these extracts from the report made’ by Leonid Brezhnev to the 26th Con- gress of the CPSU on behalf of the Par- ty’s Central Committee present, albeit in concentrated form, the moral and philosophical basis of the peace policy of the Soviet Union. * * * Let us examine some aspects of the Soviet peace plan that bear on the prob- lem of containing the arms race and dis- eace, detente, di Marxism-Leninism Today Alfred Dewhurst armament negotiations. The principled position of the Soviet Union in such negotiations is that disarmament talks must be conducted on the basis of equal- ity and equal security. The Soviet Government’s position is quite clear in this respect, and rightly so. It has stated more than once, that the Soviet Union will not consent to any agreement that gives a unilateral advantage to the USA. The Soviet Union sees limitation and reduction of strategic nuclear armaments aS a paramount issue. The government of that country has publicly on a number of occasions stated its willingness to con- - tinue the relevant negotiations with the United States without delay, preserving all the positive elements that have so far been achieved in this area. It is prepared to negotiate limitation of any sort of. weapon. This includes limiting the deployment of new submarines such as the U.S. Trident system and the corresponding Soviet system, and ban- ning modernization of existing ballistic missiles for submarines. * * * The Soviet Union views the stock-pil- ing of nuclear weapons in Europe as sarmament especially dangerous which proceeds ina vicious circle, with the actions of one side precipitating counter-measures by the other. It spokesmen pose the ques- tion ‘‘how to break this chain?’’ Their answer is an immediate moratorium on the deployment in Europe of new medium-range nuclear weapons of the NATO countries and of the Soviet Union. To freeze the existing destructive capacity and number of such weapons, including the new U.S. forward-based nuclear weapons. The Soviets suggest that the morator- ium could enter into force the moment negotiations begin, and could operate until a permanent treaty is concluded on limiting or, better still, reducing nuclear weapons in Europe. They stress that both sides should stop all preparations for the deployment of corresponding ad- ditional weapons such as the U.S. Persh- ing missiles and land-based strategic cruise missiles. * * *, A final point, worthy of note, is USSR . President Brezhnev’s suggestion that a - competent international committee should be established, which would show the vital necessity of preventing nuclear war. The committee, he suggests, should be composed of the most eminent scientists of different countries and, the whole world should be informed of the conclusions they draw. Where lies the threat to the West in the Soviet disarmament proposals? > Qeeereven PACIFIC TRIBUNE—NOV. 6, 1981—Page 5 gee