sige ae ae REVIEWS Apartheid’s horror shown in human terms WITNESS TO APARTHEID. WINNIE AND NELSON MANDELA. At the Ridge Theatre, Sept. 12 to 18 at 7:30 p.m. and 9:45 p.m. Relentlessly, the statistics pile up: in the last year, hundreds of people — mainly blacks — have died in the racial conflict that constitutes the struggle for liberation in South Africa. The problem with such statistics is that they become numbing. Fewer and fewer readers bother to check the daily media accounts of South Africa’s violence, par- ticularly since the stories provide mainly superficial accounts of the tragedy result- - ing from the system of racial segregation known as apartheid. And all too often, the accounts them- selves are misleading by their very superfi- ciality, as the western news-gathering agencies in the field concentrate on the sensational aspects of the violence. The process lends itself to the cause of racism, since no logic can be gleaned from the violence —sometimes involving black against black — that is recounted without analysis or background. Countering this are two very recent films on the South African liberation struggle. Winnie and Nelson Mandela, and Witness to Apartheid, are coming to Vancouver this Friday, and they deserve the widest possible support. The two films, shot clandestinely in South Africa last year, give us the human face and the tragedy of that struggle. They'll be shown at the Ridge Theatre for one week’s run beginning Sept. 12. Not since Last Grave at Dimbaza shocked audiences around the world in the latter 70s has there been such a powerful indictment of the white-ruled nation’s legalized racism and the Nazi-like methods used to prop it up. Each film offers a distinct view of the decades-long struggle. Mandela, through a moving account of the lives of two major leaders of the banned African National Congress, provides the viewer with a cogent history of that fight. Witness shows us the present, in all its brutality. Mandela presents biographical sketches of Winnie Mandela, who has in recent months became an international figure, and, mainly through personal interviews, of her husband, jailed ANC leader Nelson Mandela. The latter, as much of the world now knows, has been incarcerated for the last two decades. Through interviews, Winnie gives us a glimpse of the pain of being separated from a loved one for more than 20 years. But the former social worker and nurse also provides chilling first-hand accounts of the ruthlessness of the apartheid regime when detailing her own countless incar- cerations and interrogations. She relates how she was held in a cell so small she could touch both walls with outstretched arms and kept in solitary confinement for so long “that if a fly or a bug entered my cell, I considered that I had company for the day.” But the days of distress are countered by the small triumphs, as Mandela recalls how Winnie, when forced out of her home in the black township of Soweto near Johannesburg and exiled to Brandfort in ‘the ultra-conservative Orange Free State, began life anew andwon the respect of her neighbors. Her triumph was to organize, in an area where black militancy had been non-existent, a chapter of the ANC Women’s League. : Because of her husband’s clandestine existence, Winnie never attended any of the events where he spoke. She arrived at her militancy through her own observa- tions and the persecution of South Africa’s authorities. She remarks: “The Security Branch has made me what I am today.” Producer-director Sharon Sopher worked for the U.S. television network, NBC, for 12 years before she formed her “own film company. She made, after entreaties from South African leader Bishop Desmond Tutu and others, Wit- ness to Apartheid. She explains that “in spite of the presence of nearly 200 journal- ists in South Africa, this was a story that was not being told.” It’s hard to avoid using the term “gut- wrenching” in describing the montage of scenes depicting the violence of South Africa’s security forces in their raids on Witness to Apartheid. black neighborhoods and schools. Seeing an armed trooper fire repeatedly and indiscriminately 4 high-powered shotgun in neighborhood streets filled with fleeing women, men and children brings to life the words of Tutu comparing his country to Nazi Germany. Tutu, the Nobel Peace Prize winner recently appointed as Archbishop of Cape Town, is frank is discussing the decline of the politics of passive resistance in South — Africa: “I have delivered absolutely nothing. I’ve said to them, ‘Let’s try and see if we can change the system peacefully.” And I’ve not delivered the goods.” In giving a humanistic backgrounder — the film’s greatest service — to the South African liberation fight, Witness interviews personalities such as Tutu, white and black South Africans involved in the struggle, and South Africans on the streets of a prosperous downtown district and affluent white neighborhoods. Throughout are interviews with the vic- tims of police and security branch interro- gations, and these are often hard to sit through. Film producer Sharon Sopher interviews Bishop Desmond Tutu in her fi The reality of South Africa is forceful brought home when the filmmakers the® selves are shown being arrested by se ho } forces, in the middle of an interview W" 5 | man and son who tell of the elder $09” death at the hands of the authorities. series of graphically rendered P4 sketches, the story of the crew’s detentiO™ interrogation and subsequent release” | with a warning not to continue filming ~ | are depicted. fa | Neither film offers much in the way ° 15 | political background to South Af conflict. There is no mention of ™ | worldwide call for sanctions, or how ie 4 tries such as the United State and Can keep the racist state alive. cl What both Mandela and Witness of@ J is a close-up of the suffering and triumP™” | that mark the deterioration of the aP4™ | theid state. th | The films run nightly until Sept. 18, W showings at 7:30 p.m. and 9:45 p.m. a they premiere Friday night, howe¥” | there will be only one showing, wit Ja discussion period featuring Mande director Peter Davis. — Dan Keel Jimmy Pattison — his not so flattering past PATTISON: Portrait of a Capitalist Superstar. By Russell Kelly. New Star Publishers, 1986. Paper, $5.95. Available at People’s Co-op Books. : Even New Star Publishers probably couldn’t have expected that people would be buying copies of Russell Kelly’s book Pattison: Portrait of a Capitalist Superstar off the best seller rack at the local supermarket — especially since the book doesn’t exactly conform to the standard, rags-to-riches idealization of the chairman of Expo 86. Then again, there’s no question that the public fascination with Jimmy Pattison, the man who epitomizes Social Credit free enterprise, has never been greater. Pres- ented variously in media reports as the entrepreneur who sold Expo to the world. and the man who hardly missed a phrase when he was hit on the face with an egg - during a meeting on Expo evictions, he has” achieved a public relations aura of nearly .. cosmic proportions. Even those for whom _ his name evokes nothing but hostility would - probably admit to wanting to know more about this man whose huge business empire dominates the province’s economic life. Kelly was obviously able to cash in on that public fascination but he makes it clear that he has another purpose — as he puts it, to “take the mystery out of how he (Patti- son) got to the top and to shed light on how 10 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, SEPTEMBER 10, 1986 anyone accumulates wealth and power in this society.” x Certainly there is much light shed on Pattison’s ascent to his present position as the owner of the largest locally-owned busi- ness conglomerate in British Columbia, as well as some intriguing biographical data about Pattison’s beginnings in the unlikely place of Luseland, Saskatchewan. Kelly, a former CBC broadcaster, has culled exten- sive newspaper files, court proceedings and Combines investigation records and con- ducted his own interviews to put together a detailed — and revealing — record of Pat- tison’s corporate acquisitions and the poli- ~ cies that helped put him at the top. In 1967, having already parlayed his salesman’s skills into a substantial Van- couver auto dealership, Pattison moved up, using his business skills and New York financial backing to aquire his flagship — company, Neon Products. From there, it was an upward course, with only the occa- sional slip, to sole ownership of the Jim Pattison Group which now occupies such heights in Canadian business that Pattison was this year ushered into the financial establishment as a director of the Toronto- Dominion Bank. The rise from Luseland, Saskatchewan to the T-D boardroom has, of course, been the stuff of endless magazine and newspaper profiles. But the unflattering details about the process have always been left out and it is on those details that Kelly focusses in his book. And they are numerous: the con- trived share deals used to acquire compan- ies without paying cash; the companies, like Acme Novelty, sacrificed to corporate greed with the resulting loss of jobs; the anti-union - tactics used to wrest concessions from organized employees and to keep other operations union-free; the systematic avoid- ance of taxation through mergers; and the public relations manipulation used to cover up the company’s continued sale of porno- graphy. : Kelly sums up -Pattison’s corporate acquisition practice this way: “This man, who frequently said his contribution to society was providing 6,000 jobs, had found a way to take over the profits produced by those workers, lay off one in six of them, siphon a lot of money away from Canada and the Revenue Department, multiply his money without generating a single job and leave the government to pick up the tab for the mortgages, rents and food bills of the people he’d laid off.” : A revealing chapter on Expo also notes that, despite the media praise for his so- called public philanthropy — chairing Expo 86 Corporation for $1 a year — Pattison will be more than recompensed in Expo contracts for various of his companies including Neon Products and Trans-Ad. And the international exposure he has obtained is something that even his money _ well-researched material and to pres - popular market is something to be couldn’t have bought. : Kelly’s book still leaves a lot to be W about Pattison and the unbridl enterprise that he represents, howev The last few years have seen the “pi gence of a new group of western-based ait inessmen, including Pattison and wf) Pocklington, with close ties to U.S. le and right wing ideology. Their ee | influencing the ecoonmic and ei) agenda and the governments which @ "— out has yet to be studied. r Kelly’s. own analysis is occas! superficial, notably when he attribute current prevalence of neo-conserva' the “values and aspirations of thé Generation” — which ignores the role Pattison and corporate owners like bh! have to play in influencing gover | and shaping public opinion. Also i from the book, (although arguab uF would have been a difficult task) ® 4 detail or analysis of the close relat! between Pattison and the Social government. Pe ‘0 What Kelly has successfully don® : challenge*the Pattison myth with a a breezy, highly readable form. That 2? jy with those credentials has reached inl? 7 GS comed in itself. SD. goad G if