THE By VICTOR PERLO € Whe State Department is in eclipse. Foreign Affairs are run by Presi- Nixon and his special foreign po- 5 advisor, Henry Kissinger. That well- wn fact is stressed in the excellent WY York Times series on the foreign } i, of the Nixon Administration. ‘his partnership might.seem puzzling William P. Rogers, the Secretary of ate, 1S an old friend of Nixon’s; Nix- » Never knew Kissinger before, and Ssinger was a political opponent of in 1968. Kissinger, according to the ° es, had a “tart ; F ” rd Nixon. , partisan bitterness here did Nixon find him? Why did ive him such supreme power? Heine those controlling military pro- S, Strategic Arms Limitation talks faze Vietnam operations, and the Bet ton Special Actions group— might be called the brink-of-war Bee: He also chairs the “40 Com- hich or Covert Action, a secret bunch a ny pets all the dirty tricks of im- ism, from the Bay of Pigs and mi "3 re . ilar sneak attacks to assassination Political opponents. ne basis of Kissinger’s position is E ormity of his politics to Nixon’s. n born, and very conscious of it, in aes Ser has’ ~the revenge-seeker’s : =e at the Soviet Union: No few re-, E rom Hitler Germany, as, well as a taken prisoner by U.S. forces, be- eigeenale lets active servants of Ae s attempt to take over 2 He er left. off in trying to. de- tf Ommunism and conquer the sernher von Braun and his team of oe makers put the United Eos the missile-space race with Comparable job in foreign policy. ere is no ™MParison on the grounds that Kissin- O py © 1S a Jew. He represents those Ger- apitalists whose only cri- an Jewish ¢ ae of Hitler was that he. was anti- i, 'SSinger came to, this country. at. git 48 of 15, in 1938. His well-to-do ly sent him to Harvard, his brother D MAGAZINE et Union. Kissinger is trying to’ need to qualify the: Oe NIX NGER”’ to Princeton. While Henry became a big political wheel, his brother W. B. became an armament oriented manu- . facturer. After Henry Kissinger made it with Nixon, W. B. was made president and chief executive officer of Allen Electric and Equipment Corp. of Chicago. Henry Kissinger graduated from Har- vard summa. cum laude in 1950 and immediately got jobs as government consultant on military and foreign pol- icy issues. With his PhD. degree in 1954, he was made director of nuclear weapons and foreign policy research for. the Council on Foreign Relations. This is the top private foreign policy _ group of America’s most powerful ty- ‘coons: In 1956 he became director of the Rockefeller Brothers’ Special Studies project. This project worked out the Rockefeller Group’s basic cold war policy manifestos, which in large part were*adopted by successive administra- tions in Washington. ; On every issue Kissinger is on the side of aggression, confrontation and war. He opposes withdrawal of U.S. troops from Western Europe. He inspired the campaign against the easing of re- lations between the USSR and West Germany. He is the author of N.S.S.M. Memo. 99 on American objectives in Southeast Asia and Vietnam over the next five years—prepared for discussion with the Pentagon. . : In-short, he envisages a permanent war of conquest in Southeast Asia. He is an advocate of. the notorious ‘‘posi- tions of strength’’ policy, and denounces the proposal for: a rapid withdrawal from Vietnam as ‘‘an elegant bugout.”’ Hard line’cold warriors are no rari- ty in academic and political circles. But Kissinger was picked as especially hard-line, energetic, and able. He was picked by the Rockefellers—three of them. are overseer§: of Harvard and they are a leading force in the Council of Foreign Relations. And ever since 1956, Kissinger has been the family’s chief foreign policy adviser. He was right-hand man to Rockefeller during -the 1968 Republican nomination cam- paign, when Nixon won out. : "Why did Nixon then pick his chief ' rival’s key man as his own key man “after Kissinger had let the world know how little he thought of Nixon? “We do not know the mechanics. of “how it was arranged. But we do know. that Rockefeller men. have been in charge of the foreign policy of the Unit- -ed.. States; cgntinuously for 18 years— Dulles, Herter, Rusk, .and now Kissin- ger. C. Wright Mills explained the prin-. ~ ond v2 NN ciple of selection of key government officials in this way: : “As in the private corporation, the rule is the co-optation of one’s own kind by those who have taken over the command posts.”’ : The Wall Street Establishment fin- ances the major candidates—Nixon as well as Eisenhower as well as Kennedy as well as Johnson. No man can be elected, within Establishment-controlled parties, without its approval, without certain commitments and deals. And the most influential single force in the Wall Street Establishment these days is the Rockefeller-Standard Oil-Chase Man- hattan Bank group. Apparently itis un- derstood that they are to have foreign affairs, regardless wko wins out in pri- mary and final election skirmishing, and: regardless of the personal fate of an in- dividual Rockefeller running for office. But what about Secretary of State Rogers? Isn’t he Establishment? Cer- tainly. But his law firm, his corporate connections, his clients,-are on the sec- level of importance. Kissinger worked for the top circle. One may say that this arrogant, dangerous man is the choice of the bigwigs of the oligarchy, the Wall Street Establishment, to be their instrument on the spot for direc- - tion of the foreign policy of the United States. To be more exact, he represents the most reactionary groupings within that oligarchy, and especially the Roc- kefeller-Standard Oil-Chase Manhattan Bank group. : Rogers isn’t even No. 2 man to Kis- singer on crucial foreign policy ques- tions. That’s Undersecretary of State John N. Irwin II. He is in charge of second rank foreign policy committees. that Kissinger doesn’t have time to handle. He is the one who recently visited the Middle East to try to pro- tect the superprofits of Standard Oil against the oil producing countries. ‘And he is the one who went to Peru in 1969 to try to bully the Peruvian gov- “ernment into not nationalizing Standard Oil there’ He wasn’t yet Undersecre- tary of State then, but was performing comparable functions. _ Who is Irwin? From a wealthy Iowa family, after prep school and Prince- - ton, he joined the Morgan law firm of Davis, Polk, Wardwell, ‘etc., in 1946. In 1949 he hit the financial jackpot by marrying Jane Watson, daughter of the centimillionaire head of - International Business Machines, Thomas. Watson, Sr.: He then. was made a. partner in the Rockefeller law firm’ Patterson, Belk-. ean i N I nated his time between serving the Rockefeller-Standard Oil and IBM in- terests as a private citizen and as a Defense Department and State Depart- ment official. His directorships, before taking the undersecretaryship in 1970, included the IBM World Trade Corpo- ration and the Rockefeller-Astor United States Trust Co. of New York. He is chairman of the board of Union Theolo- gical Seminary, a trustee of the Morn- ingside Community Center Inc., and of the Asia Foundation, outfits in the Roc- kefeller orbit. He is also a director of the Foreign Bondholders Protective Council, the international Scrooges of Wall Street. e Thus Irwin is in the very top circles of the oligarchy by virtue of his conju- gal wealth and, perhaps, personal energy. But most directly, he united the inter- ests of the two biggest profiteers from foreign investments, from the global operations of U.S. imperialism. Standard Oil of N.J., has long been the No. 1 company in this respect, with its admitted foreign profits reaching $694 million in 1968, before dipping in 1969. For the last two years IBM’s for- eign profits have ificreased, while its domestic profits have declined. Last year IBM made $513 million on its for- eign operations as against $398 million on its domestic operations. The foreign profits amounted to an incredible 21 percent after taxes on sales—which means over 40 percent on sales before taxes—as compared with 9 percent after taxes on domestic sales. Now IBM is definitely in second place in profits from foreign investments, and may even move ahead of Standard Oil (N.J.) soon. How does all this fit in with the statement of Thomas Watson Jr., now head of IBM, before the Foreign Rela- tions Committee last spring expressing his concern over the Vietnam war and its escalation into. Cambodia? So far, this was nothing but a momentary devia- tion, inspired by panic over the popular upsurge of protest and the cancellation of IBM orders resulting from the finan- cial crisis touched off by the Cambo- dian invasion. Previously Watson was a hawk, and he hasn’t been heard from since. : At any rate, actions speak louder than words. Irwin’s actions show that the main thrust of U.S. multinational corporations, including IBM, is un- changed. They are the mainspring of aggressive U.S. foreign policy, its. mili- tarized economy, vicious wars of con- quest, and: anti-Soviet. thermonuclear arms buildup. CLOT Po VaALIAAT Sierseas Lali SGT Sap AG TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, JANUARY 28, 1972—PAGE 3 ee secre ume