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Writing

CANADIAN COMMUNISM: THE
STALIN YEARS AND BEYOND. By
Norman Penner. Methuen, 256 Pages.
Available through the People’s Co-op
Bookstore.

The main thesis of Canadian Commu-
nism: The Stalin Years and Beyond, is that
after Lenin’s death, Stalin assumed dicta-
torial power over the Communist Party of
Soviet Union and over the world commu-
nist movement as a whole.

Author Norman Penner asserts that all
communist parties in the world were
obliged to follow Stalin’s diktat through
the Comintern (the international organi-
zation of communist parties), and other
forms.

Penner, a political scientist at Toronto’s
York University, writes that Stalin
imposed a political line of ultra-leftism in
which social democracy was the main

20th Congress, he states, Stalin’s line,
although now collectively administered,
has continued.

Canadian Communism chronicles the
debates, questions, problems and errors of
the Communist Party of Canada. It is an
effort to show that the fundamental cause
of all these difficulties was either accep-
tance of Stalin’s orders or his political line.

Beyond that thesis there is not much
else in the way of historical depth to the
book, particularly in its analysis of the
period after 1945. Penner’s determination
to prove his thesis at any cost has pro-
duced a book of questionable historical
value.

enemy. Except for a brief respite after the :

history

without analysis

Canadian Communism rests largely on
allegation, with the excuse that documen-
tation was denied the author.

What is particular to Penner’s analysis
is his implied interpretation of how politi-
cal theory develops. His analysis clothes in
Marxist terms a non-Marxist approach to
history. In Marxism, ideas develop in the
context of specific reality, specific condi-
tions and activity. While Marxists do not
deny the role of individuals, like Stalin, in
history, they know that ideas and theories
are never the sole product of either bril-
liant or corrupt individuals.

In retrospect, from the vantage point of
nearly 50 years of world experience, the
Communist Party has accepted that the
class-against-class approach of the 1920s
was dangerously sectarian, and that the
characterization of social democracy as
social fascism was mistaken and contrib-
uted to the disastrous victory of fascism in
Germany.

But is it correct to suggest, as Penner
does, that the error was the sole responsi-
bility of Stalin? Did it not arise out of the
conditions of the day: out of the role social
democracy played, and the very real need
to differentiate between reformism and
revisionism? With the benefit of hindsight
it is easy to underestimate the implications
of a period in which Communists were
firmly convinced that revolution was just
around the corner.

However, Penner takes no account of
the conditions and the level of theory of
the day. He asserts that only when the
Soviet Union’s foreign policy needed it did

of Stalin’s policies.

Communist parties drop the characteriza-
tion of social fascism and that the policy of
the united front was foisted on the parties
of the world movement at the Seventh
Congress of the Comintern. By Penner’s
logic the Communist parties should have
refused to apply united front policies to
their conditions in order to be “‘independ-
ent of Moscow”. :

However, Penner argues that the united
front policies, although never correctly
applied (in his opinion), were responsible
for what he calls “the heyday” of influence
and success enjoyed by the Communists
after the Second World War, including in
Canada.

Penner deals with the real problems in
the history of a Communist party in a
manner that shows an intellectual disho-
nesty not worthy of a historian. Penner
was a leading member of the Communist
Party of Canada, and while he might dis-
agree with its principles and basic con-
cepts, he does know what they are.

These concepts, peculiar to a Marxist-
Leninist party, are crucial to even a rudi-
mentary éxplanation of the history of the
Communist Party of Canada. If basic
concepts such as democratic centralism
and proletarian internationalism are men-
tioned only in passing, how can the abso-
lutely unique relationship among Commu-

COMMUNIST PARTY IN MAY DAY PARADE, 1935...

‘this is in order to serve the interests of

. more than just an echo

nist parties and within the Comintern be
explained to the reader? Penner conve-
niently omits to explain the specific role of
the Comintern and of democratic central
ism when many Communist parties were
new and illegal and when survival meant
discipline.

It is hard not to wonder why Penner
wrote this book. It lacks the scholarship to
become a serious work of history (which
does not prevent it from being promoted
and used as such). Penner states that
communism is one of the most important
developments of the 20th century and
expresses, without much conviction, the
hope that Soviet leader Mikhail Gorba-
chev will succeed in the attempt to reform
Soviet industry and society. But Penner
puts forward no alternative other than a
defence of the reformist positions he
fought for while in the party. )

No one would deny that right. But we ~
can wonder why he has joined those who
work to perpetuate anti-communist myths.
Does he see that as serving the interests of
the Canadian people?

Today the world working class move-
ment is struggling to understand how the
mistakes of the past can be prevented. But

working people — not their enemies.
— Maggie Bizzell —

For May Day reading

FIGHTING
HERITAGE

Edited by Sean Griffin

26 » Pacific Tribune, April 27, 1988

@ The On-to-Ottawa Trek
@ The Corbin Strike
@ The Longshore
Strike, 1935
@® The 1938 Post Office
sitdown
@ The story of the Tribune

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