mya nge EE getir? p d By Leon Baya -™& ee at .. “apolitical’’ humorist who makes us laugh at his wit, at his clever use of language will often.be praised by our “neutral” bourgeois critics. If he is a writ- er, he will receive a favorable ‘press, es- pecially when he blames ‘human nature”’ or “human weakness” for the problems. presented in a comical manner. But when the same humorist dares to take a serious, and more important, a realistic view of ' society, and blames not people, but society, classes, politics and economics for injus- tice, he can expect an entirely different treatment. : : . When Mark Twain (4835-1910) realized that our evil ways were based not on a © rigid form of human nature, but rather on ~ the capitalist nature of our society, his previously acknowledged greatness was de- hied. He was neglected in the press. Charges of disloyalty were hurled at him; his mind was regarded as having been somehow infected with a form of insanity. His income suffered sharply. In his early witty writings, when he was quite naive politically — having even fought very briefly on the side of the Confederacy — when he was actually a racist, his repu- tation spread over the entire nation. He ‘was called.a native genius whose gentle Satire and clever twists of language were “distinctly American in flavor and charm.’’ But when his knowledge broaden- ed and he became more perceptive of soci- etal causes that underlay effects, so that he used his great talents to denounce chauvin- ist attitudes against Blacks, Chinese, In- dians, Chicanos and Jews, and when, at- .tacking even further, he exposed to savage Tidicule the imperialists of England, Ger- . Many, Tsarist Russia, Belgium, France, and of our country as well, critics frequent- ly accused him of suffering from a mental breakdown. He was characterized as being “in a state of mortifying intoxication from an overdraught of seriousness, something ‘to whiich his head had not been hardened. Wait, and welcome the prodigal of old on his return. He will be along in time.”’ Thus, when he became the Vice President of the. Anti-Imperialist League, an organization of Close to a million members who organized to prevent the imperialist: seizure of the Philippines, Twain wrote to a friend, “My Mail was loaded down with letters and post Cards full of abuse, mostly anonymous, Some of them going so far as to bid me look . fora stray bullet.” He was warned by The Nation that “by Making himself obnoxious to the people - who hold the purse strings,” he was incur- ~ ring the hatred of the publishers of his S, essays and magazine articles. He” Was termed a “traitor” once he exposed the tracking down and killing of the Filipin- 0s who initiated the struggle for independ- ence from colonial Spain; the.ones who did the killing were the Americans, who thrust ‘the victorious Filipinos aside and, after decimating their forces and placing thou- Sands in concentration camps, as well as trying out new weapons there, took over Control of the archipelago in order “‘to _ bring them the benefits of white, Western . Civilization.” | Courageously, however, Twain retained his strong, honest position, and became a symbol of resistance not only heré, but to the entire world. We are particularly indebted to Philip Foner’s Mark Twain: Secial Critic (Inter- ‘Rational Publishers) for most of the quota- tions from Twain’s works on the subjects of racism and imperialism, although the discusses many more aspects of n’s development, genius and attitudes. As a child growing up in Missouri, a Slave state, with a father who was a slave Owner, and living in an environment which _ Constantly disparaged’ Blacks, ‘‘foreign- ers,” Irish-Americans, Native Americans a Chinese-Americans, Twain was, at irst, unable to separate truth from his Prejudiced conditioning. His early. works ited these minority groups with a kind “i Crude, disparaging humor which was sel- Om, if ever, criticized by the literary world. But his sympathy and understanding gradually deepened, and his political awareness sharpened through experience as a journalist, river pilot and fortune unter. Gradually, he became a champion of the ones he had been taught to look upon with disfavor. He reflected, much later, on his earlier racist notions and found them to have been based actually on ill-advised, concepts: he wrote in his Auto- biography (a book much altered by his puritanical and genteel wife) “All negroes were friends of ours and with those of our own age, we were in effect comrades. . .It was on the farm (his father’s) that I got my strong liking for the race and my appreci- ation for certain of its fine qualities. This feeling and estimate have stood the test of sixty years and more, and have suffered no impairment. The black face is as welcome to me now as it was then.” In the post-Civil War period, Twain per- ceived that the basic cause of slavery was the drive for profit. His opposition to slav- ery grew so intense that his close friend and fellow writer, William Dean Howells declared ‘‘No man more perfectly sensed and more entirely abhorred slavery.” er Finn, truly one of the great : American novels, centers around Huck’s recognition that Jim, the Black man who has run away rather than be sold down the river, has a dignity and a courage that changes Huck’s opinion of the man he had previously regarded as inferior and hope- lessly dull. Ironically, Huck blames his own not attending religious Sunday School more often for his refusal to return Jim to the woman who has bought him and from whom he has escaped. The scene on the raft in which Huck’s conversion takes place is surely one of the most dramatic ‘and in- spiring moments in all literature. Blacks appear as the chief characters in other works by Twain, most notably in his Puddn’head Wilson. In this fine novel, a Black woman’s resourcefulness _intelli- gence and basic humanity give the work distinction. In his early years, Twain was, in addi- tion, an unquestioning patriot, endorsing every action of our government. He advo- cated the American seizure of the Sand- wich Islands (Hawaii) and thought, at first, that our take-over of Cuba was moti- vated by a desire to bring genuine inde- pendence to the former Spanish colony. But _once again, as his insight into motivations of historical events gained in deeper under- standing, he reversed his previous.attitudes and became one of the staunchest voices against the criminal actions of the imper- ialist powers. When he exposed the hypoc- risy and the cruelty of the Spanish-Ameri- can War, he incurred the hired wrath of the press of the day. He was abused by the “military-industrialists” of the time, in- cluding Thomas Fortune Ryan, J.P. Mor- | gan, Sr., and, most notably, William Rand- olph Hearst, Sr. The latter’s jingo press inflamed the nation with its call of ‘“‘Re- member the Maime$” a battleship which was sunk in Havana. To this day, the: cause of the sinking remains unsolved. Twain was caustic, but truthful, in his condemnation of this country’s annexation of the Philippines, saying: “‘It seems to me it should be our pleasure and our duty to- make those people free, and let them deal with their own domestic problems in their own way. And so I am an anti-imperialist. I am opposed to having the eagle put its talons.on any other land.” ; ; Twain regarded most missionaries as accomplices of the imperialists, and when, after the Boxer Rebellion in China (1898), an American missionary, incredibly enough, demanded that the Chinese execute 680 of their own people to atone for the same number of Chinese converts who had ~ been killed, Twain lashed out at the mis- sionary. “It.is good,” said Twain, ‘“‘that this glad tidings (of revenge) comes on Christmas Eve, just in time to enable us to celebrate the day with gaiety and enthus- iasm. A monument should be erected, he added, ‘“‘and must exhibit 680 heads, so disposed as to give a pleasing and pretty effect.” The unhumorous Twain Twain’s revulsion at the horrors of im- perialism resulted from his realization of the crimes committed by all ‘‘the civilized nations” (the quotation marks are his own) in Asia, Africa and Latin America. He said, “Dear me, robbery by European nations of each other’s territories has never been a sin, is not a sin today. To the several cabinets the several political establish- ments of the world are clothes-lines; and a large part of the official duty of these cabinets is to keep an eye on each other’s wash and grab what they can when the opportunity offers.” He referred to Cecil Rhodes, the arch English imperialist in Africa, as ‘‘the gang leader who’’ brought slavery” to the natives and dared to call it “civilization.” When the Boer War broke out between the original colonizers, the Dutch, and the treasure-seeking English, - Twain, though critical of the so-called Afri- kaaners, wrote stingingly about the Brit- ish and of Rhodes, saying of the latter, ‘‘I . admire him, frankly I confess it; and when the timé: comes, I shall buy a piece of the rope (when he is hanged) for a keepsake.’’ To him, the South Africa Co. was a modern version of ‘‘the forty thieves.”’ ; . of Twain's most savage attacks on imperialism are To the Person Sitting in Darkness and King Leopeold’s Soliloquy, ‘two masterpieces of irony and'truth that seldom, if ever, are discussed among the bourgeois critics of today. In the first, he first describes the horrors under which colonial peoples live, but he predicts (and we must commend him for his prophetic vision) that the time will come when these people, who now understand the cause of their poverty, misery and disease, will take matters into their own hands and drive out their oppressors. ‘‘How, ‘much stock .is left,” he satirically asks,’ on hand in the way of Glass Beads and Theology, and Maxim (machine) Guns and Hymn Books, and Trade Gin and Torches of Progress and Enlightenment (patent adjustable ones good to fire villages with, upon occasion), and balance the books and arrive at profit and loss, so that we may intelligently de- cide whether to continue in business or sell out the property and start a new Civiliza- tion scheme on the proceedings? Of Tsarist Russia, one of his most in- tensely hated governments, he adds that it carries ‘‘the Prince of Peace in one hand, and its loot-basket and its butcher-knife in the other,’ seizing parts of Manchuria, swelling the rivers with corpses as it does so. For Ktng Leopold, the slaughterer by conservative accounts of more than eight million native Congolese, Twain saves even stronger aversion and condemnation. This notorious ruler, who cut off hands of “‘non- collaborators,’’ who hanged, -burned and even crucified blacks so as to get their - vast resources of minerals, this civilized beast is, says Twain, the personal friend of the rulers and bankers of the capitalist world, including Morgan, Rockefeller, Ryan and Guggenheim, monsters of the grossest proportions. Is it any wonder that Twain had difficulty having both of these truthful essays printed? Is it any wonder that the compliant bourgeois press advised its readers not to listen to a man who was not now, supposedly, qualified to talk about serious matters? : : We trust our readers are familiar with Twain’s scathing War Prayer, which was not published until he had been dead for six years, while the first worldwide im- perialist war raged. In it, he satirically has a group of Christians fervently ask for God’s help in killing, maiming and blinding the enemy, in creating widows and orphans and in devastating enemy lands, all in the name of support for “‘their side”’ in a war. It is this mature, socially and politically aware Mark Twain that remains generally neglected and unknown. Even so enjoyable a performance as “‘Mark Twain Tonight,” in which a notorious red-baiting actor ap- pears. as Twain on one of his lecture tours, makes not a single reference to Twain’s anti-imperialist stand. He did, however, recite effectively from the great - passage in Huckleberry Fian which indi- cates Twain’s respct for Afro-Americans, a respect that was hard to come by in those days and is still in too short supply in the - literary community today. PACIFIC TRIBUNE—MARCH 5, 1976—Page 9