a World N. Korea able host for youth festival PYONGYANG — Something extraor- dinary and unprecedented is set to happen here. From July 1 - 8, the 13th World Festival of Youth and Students (WFYS) is in this town, and Pyongyang will never be the same again. Not only is this the first such festival ever held on the Asian continent, but for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea — the “other” Korea — it repres- ents a baptism of sorts. North Korea, long one of the world’s most insular and mysterious societies — for Westerners at least — is rapidly emerging from its isolation and making a concerted bid for both understanding and influence in the international arena. World Youth Festivals are a postwar tradition, held on average every five or six years, under the sponsorship of the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) and the International Union of Students (1US). Routinely dismissed by the Western media as “communist” events, they actually attract a fairly wide spectrum of both politi- cal and non-political young people from virtually all countries of the world. While festival politics are definitely ‘“‘anti- imperialist” — this can accommodate an astonishingly broad array of viewpoints and interests — most of the festival activities are concerned with cross-cultural commun- ications, sports, artistic and musical events, and people-to-people meetings of both structured and informal types. North Korea lobbied hard to have the festival held in Pyongyang, though many of the organizations which affiliate to WFDY and IUS had serious reservations over what they saw as material unpreparedness as well as insufficient openness in North Korean society to support the successful staging of such an event. Since winning their campaign to host the WFYS a few years back, the North Koreans have been working energetically to convince the doubters. Journalists are proudly shown around Pyongyang, a modern and graceful city which contains some’ 260 buildings either constructed or renovated specially for the festival. These include an entire micro- region, “Kwangbok Street,’ with more than a dozen apartment blocks, and several auditoriums, theatres, clubs and restau- rants, now completed and awaiting the fes- tival participants. There’s also May Day Stadium — which, with 150,000 seats, must be one of the world’s largest — where the opening and closing ceremonies will take place. There is a huge new six-halled cinema house, where the international film competition asso- ciated with the WFYS will run continuously during festival week. Two floors of the Moranbong Secondary School in down- town Pyongyang will be turned over to the Canadian and US. delegations to serve as their “clubhouse.” The facilities include a 600-seat auditorium, a large gymnasium and a swimming pool. On the political side, things may be a bit more complicated. “It is true,” concedes RUNG-NADU STADIUM... impressive new structure site of opening festivities of 13th World Festival of Youth and Students. Kim Tak Yong, vice-director of the Korean Festival Committee, “that some of our people had the idea of using the WFYS to propagate our political positions and views. But there has been a very firm decision on the part of our government and the Korean Workers Party that we will not try to do that. “The festival will be made by its partici- pants alone, and we are simply providing the venue. This is not a meeting for ideolog- ical education, it is a gathering of contacts, friendship and celebration for the youth of the world”. Behind ‘the walls of western blockade, intensified by its own historic insularity, North Korean society has been changing and developing in remarkable ways. Des- cribed simply, it is a developing country, By J. PAPARIGAS Suitcases containing large brown bags stuffed with CIA-marked $1,000 bills are said to have been urgently airlifted to Greece recently in wake of the national election which saw the conservative oppo- sition New Democracy Party win most seats but fail to secure a majority. Delivered to shady characters, the bribe money is potentially destined for several socialist PASOK MPs. This means that if the latter are wooed by their aspiring “godfathers,” they may ultimately defect to the conservatives, thus providing them with enough support to form the next government. The conservatives are shy just six seats. A final tally of the June 18 election, in which 7.2 million people voted, showed the right-wing NDP gaining slightly more than 44 per cent and 145 seats in the 300- member parliament. The governing social- ists of PASOK, who initially came to power in 1981 and whose mandate was renewed by a comfortable majority in 1985, won 39 per cent of the vote and 125 seats. The Communist Party (CPG), which won close to 10 per cent of the vote and 12 MPs in 1985, picked up 13 per cent (close to 850,000 votes) and more than doubled the number of its seats to 29. This was largely due to the ability of the CPG to. bring together the broad forces of the left under a joint slate and with a minimum program of short-term demands just months before the June vote. It was a loose alliance of the left called Alliance holds key to Greece’s future the Coalition of the Left and Progress, encompassing several small parties, inclu- ding a major fraction of a CPG splinter group, formerly known as the “Euro- communists” or the Communist Party of the Interior. Thus, for the first time in 15 = years, the Communist and broad left for- ces were able to unite at the polls under a joint electoral platform. Most important, however, is the fact that the Coalition emerged on June 19 asa key player. By holding the balance of power, it can now play a decisive role in shaping future development. Having already ruled out any form of support for the NDP, the Coalition may be in a posi- tion to form a coalition government with PASOK. This is a likely development that is only minimized by the continuing presence of former prime. minister Andreas Papan- dreou who, aside from his _highly- publicized affairs of the heart, has been indirectly implicated in an embezzlement ring that led to the resignation of his dep- uty prime minister and several cabinet col- leagues. On June 20, the Coalition ruled out any form of parliamentary support for PASOK for as long as Papandreou remains at the helm of his party. This was despite the fact that he emerged concilia- tory on election night saying that “a new democratic progressive coalition of forces has emerged in parliament.” This was the first time Papandreou recognized the left and Communist Party as being part of a “democratic and progressive” front, des- - agree to stay at the helm for about a year, pite the fact that both parties, taken together, controlled almost two-thirds of the Greek parliament for the past eight years. There is parallel pressure from among the ranks of Coalition allies, some of whom were PASOK MPs who later joined in the Coalition, to stay out of the game altogether until the president of the repub- lic calls another election. This in fact may prove disastrous for the Coalition which, potentially faced with an increased polari- zation of the electorate, may lose substan- tial support if the people are called to cast a new ballot within the next 40 days. By stepping down, or taking his old job back at Toronto’s York University where he taught economics while in exile between 1969 and 1974, Papandreou may in fact serve his country best. In fact, Papandreou, now 70, is under increasing pressure by colleagues to do just that. Another possible scenario, which may be in fact “an honest compromise,” is the formation of a PASOK-CPG-and-allies coalition headed by Papandreou who will or as soon as he paves the way for a PASOK leadership convention. Underly- ing this is the popular demand for cathar- sis (clean up) that PASOK has to conduct in order to rid itself of all those implicated in the scandal. Most important is the reaching of a joint agreement around a minimum program of reforms with the Coalition which may pave the way for major changes in the socio-economic map of Greece. 6 « Pacific Tribune, July 3, 1989 passionately non-aligned in its international posture, and socialist in its socio-political formation — with several peculiarities. Western understanding of North Korea remains deplorably limited, reduced to lit- tle more than a few polemical cliches that portray a xenophobic, regimented society and a raging personality cult. None of this will help to prepare festival participants from Canada for the experience of an origi nal close encounter with a society whose deép and complex traditions, single-minded politics coupled with diverse forms of cultu- ral expression, economic dynamism, social — energy and yes, even spontaneity will simply astound them. After travelling around a great deal of the North Korean countryside, through several cities, and inspecting innumerable factories, department stores, schools, and so on, of two separate visits, it has become simply undeniable to me that this is a country which is rapidly outgrowing its undeve- loped status. And — perhaps unique in the third world — it has built a modern, vertically-integrated economy without any extremes of wealth or poverty, and without any significant foreign debt, dependence of capital domination. Young North Koreans are clearly a gen- eration poised on the brink of big changes. _ Though they may still know little of the — outside world, they are in many other respects extremely well-educated, highly curious, and ready to meet others on equal terms. Li Ig Gu, 60, may symbolize North Korea’s four-decade transition better than any other person. A veteran who lost his parents in the Korean war, he was an early graduate of Pyongyang University who has put in 35 years as a construction engineer. He recalls working by hand on roads, hous- ing blocks and factories, the projects gradu- ally becoming more mechanized and larger in scope. Today he is chief engineer on Korea’s most ambitious construction project: the vast, pyramid-shaped 105-storey hotel which dominates the skyline of downtown Pyongyang. With 6,000 guest suites, it will be one of the world’s largest buildings when it opens its doors next year. So the 13th WFYS will be, among other things, an extraordinary introduction for many to North Korea, and for North Korea to the world. _ One particular thing we’ll soon know is whether South Korean students — who have asked to participate and have been invited to come to Pyongyang and be part of the host-country’s delegation — will be permitted by their own authorities to do so. That may be the most significant and telling point ofall. —